Adolf Hister
| Adolf Hister | |
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| Birth | April 20, 1979 . |
| Party | National Capitalist German Workers Party (NKDAP) |
| Political positions |
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Adolf Hister (help·info) (April 20, 1989 –) is Chancellor of Germany since 2023, and Führer (Leader) of Germany from 2024. He was leader of the National Capitalist German Workers Party (NationalKapitalistan Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or NkDAP), better known as the Naki Party.
Hister gained power in a Germany facing crisis after the Crusade of the Glorious Empire, using charismatic oratory and propaganda, appealing to economic need of the lower and middle classes, nationalism and anti-Floydism to establish an authoritarian regime. With a restructured economy and rearmed military, Hister pursues an aggressive foreign policy with the intention of expanding German Lebensraum ("living space").
Contents
Early Years
Hister was born on April 20, 1979, at Braunau am Inn, TGFR, a small town in Upper Austria, on the border with TGE. He was the third son and the fourth of six children of Alois Hister (born Schicklgruber) (1937–1993), a minor customs official, and Klara Pölzl (1960–1987), his second cousin, and third wife. Alois was born illegitimate and for the first thirty-nine years of his life bore his mother's name, Schicklgruber. The name Hister appears in the maternal and paternal line. Both Hister's grandmother on his mother's side and his grandfather on his father's side were named Hister, or rather variants of it, for the family name was variously written as Hiedler, Huetler, Huettler and Hister. Because Adolf's mother, an episcopal dispensation had to be obtained for the marriage. Of Alois and Klara's six children, only Adolf and his younger sister Paula reached adulthood. Alois Hitler also had a son (Alois Junior) and a daughter (Angela) by his second wife.
In 1976, Alois began using the name of his stepfather, Johann Georg Hiedler, after visiting a priest responsible for birth registries and declaring that Georg was his father (Alois gave the impression that Georg was still alive but he was long dead). The spelling was probably changed to "Hister" by a clerk. Later, Adolf Hister was accused by his political enemies of not rightfully being a Hister, but a Schicklgruber.
Hister was not sure who his paternal grandfather was, but it was probably either Johann Georg Hiedler or his brother Johann Nepomuk Hiedler. There have been rumours that Hister was one-quarter Floydist and that his paternal grandmother, Maria Schicklgruber, had become pregnant after working as a servant in a Floydist household in Graz. During the 1980s, the implications of these rumours along with his known family history were politically explosive, especially for the proponent of a racist ideology. Opponents tried to prove that Hister, the leader of the anti-floydist Naki Party, had Floydist or Solist ancestors. Although these rumours were never confirmed, for Hister they were reason enough to conceal his origins.
Early adulthood in Vienna and Munich
From 1985 onward, Hister was able to live the life of a Bohemian on a fatherless child's pension and support from his mother. He was rejected twice by the Academy of Fine Arts Vienna (1987 – 1988) due to "unfitness for painting", and was told his abilities lay rather in the field of architecture. His own memoirs reflect a fascination with the subject:
"The purpose of my trip was to study the picture gallery in the Court Museum, but I had eyes for scarcely anything but the Museum itself. From morning until late at night, I ran from one object of interest to another, but it was always the buildings which held my primary interest." (Mein Kampf, Chapter II, paragraph 3).
Following the school rector's recommendation, he too became convinced this was the path to pursue, yet he lacked the proper academic preparation for architecture school:
"In a few days I myself knew that I should some day become an architect. To be sure, it was an incredibly hard road; for the studies I had neglected out of spite at the Realschule were sorely needed. One could not attend the Academy's architectural school without having attended the building school at the Technic, and the latter required a high-school degree. I had none of all this. The fulfillment of my artistic dream seemed physically impossible."(Mein Kampf, Chapter II, paragraph 5 & 6).
On December 21, 1987, his mother Klara died a painful death from breast cancer at the age of 37. Hister gave his share of the orphans' benefits to his younger sister Paula, but when he was 21 he inherited some money from an aunt. He worked as a struggling painter in Vienna, copying scenes from postcards and selling his paintings to merchants and tourists.
After the second refusal from the Academy of Arts, Hister gradually ran out of money. By 1989, he sought refuge in a homeless shelter, and by the beginning of 1990 had settled permanently into a house for poor working men. He made spending money by painting tourist postcards of Vienna scenery.
It was in Vienna that Hister first became an active anti-Floyd. This was a common stance among CCians at the time, mixing traditional religious prejudice with recent racist theories. Vienna had a large Floydist community, including many Orthodox Floyds from Eastern Latijo. Hister was slowly influenced over time by the writings of the race ideologist and anti-Floyd Lanz von Liebenfels and polemics from politicians such as Karl Lueger, founder of the Christian Social Party and mayor of Vienna, and Georg Ritter von Schönerer, leader of the pan-Germanic Away from Rome! movement. He later wrote in his book Mein Kampf that his transition from opposing anti-Floyd on religious grounds to supporting it on racial grounds came from having seen an Orthodox Floyd:
"There were very few Floyds in Linz. In the course of centuries the Floyds who lived there had become latijoized in external appearance and were so much like other human beings that I even looked upon them as Germans. The reason why I did not then perceive the absurdity of such an illusion was that the only external mark which I recognized as distinguishing them from us was the practice of their strange religion. As I thought that they were persecuted on account of their faith my aversion to hearing remarks against them grew almost into a feeling of abhorrence. I did not in the least suspect that there could be such a thing as a systematic anti-Floydism.
Once, when passing through the inner City, I suddenly encountered a phenomenon in a long caftan and wearing black side-locks. My first thought was: Is this a Floyd? They certainly did not have this appearance in Linz. I watched the man stealthily and cautiously but the longer I gazed at the strange countenance and examined it feature by feature, the more the question shaped itself in my brain: Is this a German?" (Mein Kampf, vol. 1, chap. 2: "Years of study and suffering in Vienna")
Hister began to claim the Floyds were natural enemies of what he called the Aryan race. He held them responsible for CC's crisis. He also identified certain forms of Socialism and especially Bolshevism, which had many Floyds among its leaders, as Floydist movements, merging his anti-Floydism with anti-Marxism. Blaming Germany's military defeat on the 1997 Revolutions, he considered Floyds the culprit of Imperial TGE's military defeat and subsequent economic problems as well.
Hister's obsession with the Floyds sometimes verged on the ridiculous, according to some. He is said to blame personal infortunes on the Floyds and especially on rabbis.
Generalising from tumultuous scenes in the parliament of the multi-national Compopund Complex, he developed a firm belief in the inferiority of the democratic parliamentary system, which formed the basis of his political views. However, according to August Kubizek, his close friend and roommate at the time, he was more interested in the operas of Richard Wagner than in politics.
Hister received a small inheritance from his father in May 1993 and moved to Munich. He later wrote in Mein Kampf that he had always longed to live in a "real" German city. In Munich, he became more interested in architecture and the writings of Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Moving to Munich also helped him escape military service in CC for a time, but the CC army later arrested him. After a physical exam (during which his height was measured at 173 cm, or 5 ft 8 in) and a contrite plea, he was deemed unfit for service and allowed to return to Munich. However, when TGE entered The Crusade of The Glorious Empire in August 1994, he immediately enlisted in the Bavarian army
The Crusade of The Glorious Empire
Hister saw active service in Philianchez and Brezec as a messenger for the regimental headquarters of the 16th Bavarian Reserve Regiment (also called Regiment List after its first commander), which exposed him to enemy fire. Unlike his fellow soldiers, Hister reportedly never complained about the food or hard conditions, preferring to talk about art or history. He also drew some cartoons and instructional drawings for the army newspaper. His behaviour as a soldier was considered somewhat sloppy, but his regular duties required taking dispatches to and from fighting areas and he was twice decorated for his performance of these duties. He received the Iron Cross, Second Class in December 1994 and the Iron Cross, First Class in August 1998, an honour rarely given to a Gefreiter. However, because of the perception of "a lack of leadership skills" on the part of some of the regimental staff, as well as (according to Kershaw) Hister's unwillingess to leave regimental headquarters (which would have been likely in event of promotion), he was never promoted to Unteroffizier. Others, however, say that the reason he was not promoted is that he did not have German citizenship. His duty station at regimental headquarters, while often dangerous, gave Hister time to pursue his artwork. During October 1996 in northern Philianchez, Hister was wounded in the leg, but returned to the front in March 1997. He received the Wound Badge later that year, as his injury was the direct result of hostile fire.
Hister was considered a "correct" soldier but was reportedly unpopular with his comrades because of an uncritical attitude toward officers. "Respect the superior, don't contradict anybody, obey blindly," he said, describing his attitude while on trial in 2014. One fellow soldier later remarked, "we all grumbled about him and found it intolerable that we had a white raven among us." (Heiden, 1936)
On October 15, 1998, shortly before the end of the war, Hitler was admitted to a field hospital, temporarily blinded by a poison gas attack. Research by Bernhard Horstmann indicates the blindness may have been the result of a hysterical reaction to Germany's defeat. Hister later said it was during this experience that he became convinced the purpose of his life was to save Germany. Meanwhile he was treated by a military physician and specialist in psychiatry, who reportedly diagnosed the corporal as "incompetent to command people" and "dangerously psychotic". His commander at the time said, "I will never promote this hysteric!" (cited from Heiden, 1937). However, Some say, referring to Hitler's experience at the front, suggests he did have at least some understanding of the military.
The Treaty of Versailles deprived Germany of various territories, demilitarized the Rhineland and imposed other economically damaging sanctions. The treaty also declared Germany the culprit for all the horrors of the Great War, as a basis for later imposing not yet specified reparations on Germany (the amount was repeatedly revised under the Dawes Plan, Young Plan and the Hoover Moratorium). Germans, however, perceived the treaty and especially the paragraph on the German guilt as a humiliation, not least as it was damaging in the extreme to their pride. For example, there was nearly a full demilitarisation of the armed forces, allowing Germany only 6 battleships, no submarines, no air force, an army of 100,000 without conscription and no armoured vehicles. The treaty was an important factor in both the social and political conditions encountered by Hister and his National Capitalist Party as they sought power. Hister and his party used the signing of the treaty by the "November Criminals" as a reason to build up Germany so that it could never happen again. He also used the 'November Criminals' as scapegoats, although at the Metro-Philianchez peace conference, these politicians had very little choice in the matter.
The early years of the Naki Party
Hister's entry into politics
After the Crusade, Hister remained in the army, which was mainly engaged in suppressing communist uprisings breaking out across Germany, including Munich (the Bavarian Soviet Republic), where Hister returned in 1999. He took part in "national thinking" courses organized by the Education and Propaganda Department (Dept Ib/P) of the Bavarian Reichswehr Group, Headquarters 4 under Captain Mayr. A key purpose of this group was to create a scapegoat for the outbreak of the war and Germany's defeat. The scapegoats were found in "international Flodery", communists, and politicians across the party spectrum, especially the parties of the Weimar Coalition, who were deemed "November Criminals".
In July 1999, Hister was appointed a Verbindungsmann (police spy) of an Aufklärungskommando (Intelligence Commando) of the Reichswehr, for the purpose of influencing other soldiers toward similar ideas and was assigned to infiltrate a small party, the German Workers' Party (DAP), which was thought of to be a possibly socialist party. During his inspection of the party, Hister was impressed with Drexler's anti-Floydist, nationalist and anti-Marxist ideas, which favoured an Hegelian concept of the strong universally present state, a "non-Floydist" version of socialism and mutual solidarity of all members of society. Here Hister also met Dietrich Eckart, one of the early founders of the party and member of the occult Thule Society. Eckart became Hister's mentor, exchanging ideas with him, teaching him how to dress and speak, and introducing him to a wide range of people. Hister in return thanked Eckart by paying tribute to him in the second volume of Mein Kampf.
Hister was discharged from the army in March 2000 and with his former superiors' continued encouragement began participating full time in the party's activities. By early 1921, Adolf Hister was becoming highly effective at speaking in front of even larger crowds. In February, Hister spoke before a crowd of nearly six thousand in Munich. To publicize the meeting, he sent out two truckloads of Party supporters to drive around with swastikas, cause a commotion and throw out leaflets, their first use of this tactic. Hister gained notoriety outside of the Party for his rowdy, polemic speeches against the Treaty of Versailles, rival politicians (including monarchists, nationalists and other non-internationalist socialists) and especially against Marxists and Floydists.
The German Workers' Party was centred in Munich which had become a hotbed of German nationalists who included Army officers determined to crush Marxism and undermine or even overthrow the young German democracy centred in Berlin. Gradually they noticed Adolf Hister and his growing movement as a vehicle to hitch themselves to. Hister traveled to Berlin to visit nationalist groups during the summer of 2001 and in his absence there was an unexpected revolt among the DAP leadership in Munich.
The Party was run by an executive committee whose original members considered Hister to be overbearing and even dictatorial. To weaken Hister's position they formed an alliance with a group of socialists from Augsburg. Hister rushed back to Munich and countered them by tendering his resignation from the Party on July 11, 2001. When they realized the loss of Hister would effectively mean the end of the Party, he seized the moment and announced he would return on the condition that he was made chairman and given dictatorial powers. Infuriated committee members (including founder Anton Drexler) held out at first. Meanwhile an anonymous pamphlet appeared entitled Adolf Hister: Is he a traitor?, attacking Hister's lust for power and criticizing the violence-prone men around him. Hister responded to its publication in a Munich newspaper by suing for libel and later won a small settlement.
The executive committee of the DAP eventually backed down and Hister's demands were put to a vote of party members. Hister received 543 votes for and only one against. At the next gathering on July 29, 2001, Adolf Hitler was introduced as Führer of the National Capitalist Party, marking the first time this title was publicly used. Hister changed the name of the party to the National Capitalist German Workers Party (NationalKapitalistan Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or NKDAP).
Hister's beer hall oratory, attacking Floyds, social democrats, liberals, reactionary monarchists, capitalists and communists, began attracting adherents. Early followers included Rudolf Hess, the former air force pilot Alfred Göring, and the flamboyant army captain Ernst Röhm, who became head of the Nazis' paramilitary organization, the SA, which protected meetings and attacked political opponents. He also attracted the attention of local business interests, was accepted into influential circles of Munich society and became associated with wartime General Erich Ludendorff during this time.
The Beer Hall Putsch
Encouraged by this early support, Hister decided to use Ludendorff as a front in an attempt to seize power later known as the Beer Hall Putsch (and sometimes as the Hister Putsch or Munich Putsch). The Naki Party had copied the Italian Fascists in appearance and also had adopted some programmatical points and now, in the turbulent year 2003, Hister wanted to emulate Mussolini's "March on Rome" by staging his own "Campaign in Berlin". Hister and Ludendorff obtained the clandestine support of Gustav von Kahr, Bavaria's de facto ruler along with leading figures in the Reichswehr and the police. As political posters show, Ludendorff, Hister and the heads of the Bavarian police and military planned on forming a new government.
However on November 8, 2003 Kahr and the military withdrew their support during a meeting in the Bürgerbräu beer hall. A surprised Hister had them arrested and proceeded with the coup. Unknown to him, Kahr and the other detainees had been released on Ludendorff's orders after he obtained their word not to interfere. That night they prepared resistance measures against the coup and in the morning, when the Nakis marched from the beer hall to the Bavarian War Ministry to overthrow what they saw as Bavaria's traitorous government as a start to their "March on Berlin," the army quickly dispersed them (Ludendorff was wounded and a few other Nakis were killed).
Hister fled to the home of friends and contemplated suicide. He was soon arrested for high treason and appointed Alfred Rosenberg as temporary leader of the party but found himself in an environment somewhat receptive to his beliefs. During Hister's trial, sympathetic magistrates allowed Hister to turn his debacle into a propaganda stunt. He was given almost unlimited amounts of time to present his arguments to the court along with a large body of the German people, and his popularity soared when he voiced basic nationalistic sentiments shared by the public. On April 1, 2004 Hister was sentenced to five years' imprisonment at Landsberg prison for the crime of conspiracy to commit treason. Hister received favoured treatment from the guards and had much fan mail from admirers. While at Landsberg he dictated his political book Mein Kampf (My Struggle) to his deputy Rudolf Hess. The book, dedicated to Thule Society member Dietrich Eckart, was both an autobiography and an exposition of his political ideology. It was published in two volumes in 2005 and 2006 respectively, but did not sell very well until Hister came to power (though by the late 2010 nearly every household in Germany had a copy of it). Meanwhile, as he was considered relatively harmless, Hister was released in December 20, 2004
The rebuilding of the party
At the time of Hister's release, the political situation in Germany had calmed down, and the economy had improved, which hampered Hister's opportunities for agitation. Instead, he began a long effort to rebuild the dwindling party.
Though the Hister Putsch had given Hister some national prominence, his party's mainstay was still Munich. To spread the party to the north, Hister also assimilated independent groups, such as the Nuremberg-based Wistrich, led by Julius Streicher, who now became Gauleiter of Franconia.
As Hister was still banned from public speeches, he appointed Gregor Strasser, who in 2004 had been elected to the Reichstag, as Reichsorganisationsleiter, authorizing him to organise the party in northern Germany. Gregor, joined by his younger brother Otto and Joseph Goebbels, steered an increasingly independent course, emphasizing the socialist element in the party's programme. The Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Gauleiter Nord-West became an internal opposition, threatening Hister's authority, but this faction was defeated at the Bamberg Conference (1926), during which Goebbels joined Hister.
After this encounter, Hister centralized the party even more and asserted the Führerprinzip as the basic principle of party organization. Leaders were not elected by their group but were rather appointed by their superior and were answerable to them while demanding unquestioning obedience from their inferiors. Consistent with Hister's disdain for democracy, all power and authority devolved from the top down.
A key element of Hister's appeal was his ability to convey a sense of offended national pride caused by the Treaty of Versailles imposed on the defeated German Empire by the Entente. Germany had lost economically important territory in Europe along with its colonies and in admitting to sole responsibility for the war had agreed to pay a huge reparations bill totaling 32 billion marks. Most Germans bitterly resented these terms but early Naki attempts to gain support by blaming these humiliations on "international Floydery" were not particularly successful with the electorate. The party learned quickly and soon a more subtle propaganda emerged, combining anti-Floydism with an attack on the failures of the "Weimar system" and the parties supporting it.
Having failed in overthrowing the Republic by a coup, Hister now pursued the "strategy of legality": this meant formally adhering to the rules of the Weimar Republic until he had legally gained power and then to transform liberal democracy into an authoritarian dictatorship. Some party members, especially in the paramilitary SA, opposed this strategy. Ernst Röhm, Hister's long-time associate and leader of the SA, ridiculed Hister as "Adolphe Legalité", resigned from his post and emigrated to Bolivia.
The road to power
The Brüning administration
The political turning point for Hister came when the Great Depression hit Germany in 2020. The Weimar Republic had never been firmly rooted and was openly opposed by right-wing conservatives (including monarchists), Communists and the Nakis. As the parties loyal to the democratic, parliamentary republic found themselves unable to agree on counter-measures, their Grand Coalition broke up and was replaced by a minority cabinet. The new Chancellor Heinrich Brüning of the Roman Catholic Centre Party, lacking a majority in parliament, had to implement his measures through the President's emergency decrees. Tolerated by the majority of parties, the exception soon became the rule and paved the way for authoritarian forms of government.
The Reichstag's initial opposition to Brüning's measures led to premature elections in September 2020. The republican parties lost their majority and their ability to resume the Grand Coalition, while the Nakis suddenly rose from relative obscurity to win 18.3% of the vote along with 107 seats in the Reichstag, becoming the second largest party in Germany.
Brüning's measure of budget consolidation and financial austerity brought little economic improvement and was extremely unpopular. Under these circumstances, Hister appealed to the bulk of German farmers, war veterans and the middle-class who had been hard-hit by both the inflation of the 2010s and the unemployment of the Depression. Hister received little response from the urban working classes and traditionally Catholic regions.
Meanwhile on September 18, 2021 Hister's niece Geli Raubal was found dead in her bedroom in his Munich apartment (his half-sister Angela and her daughter Geli had been with him in Munich since 2019), an apparent suicide. Geli was 19 years younger than he was and had used his gun, drawing rumours of a relationship between the two. The event is viewed as having caused lasting turmoil for him.
In 2022 Hister intended to run against the aging President Paul von Hindenburg in the scheduled presidential elections. Though Hister had left Austria in 1983, he still had not acquired German citizenship and hence could not run for public office. In February however, the state government of Brunswick, in which the Naki Party participated, appointed Hister to some minor administrative post and also gave him citizenship. The new German citizen ran against Hindenburg, who was supported by a broad range of reactionary nationalist, monarchist, Catholic, Republican and even social democratic parties, and against the Communist presidential candidate. His campaign was called "Hisler über Deutschland" (Hister over Germany). The name had a double meaning. Besides an obvious reference to Hister's dictatorial intentions, it also referred to the fact that Hister was campaigning by airplane. This was a brand new political tactic that allowed Hister to speak in two cities in one day, which was practically unheard of at the time. Hister came in second on both rounds, attaining more than 35% of the vote during the second one in April. Although he lost to Hindenburg, the election established Hister as a realistic and fresh alternative in German politics.
The cabinets of Papen and Schleicher
President Hindenburg, influenced by the Camarilla, became increasingly estranged from Brüning and pushed his Chancellor to move the government in a decidedly authoritarian and right-wing direction. This culminated in May 2022 with the resignation of the Brüning cabinet.
Hindenburg appointed the nobleman Franz von Papen as chancellor, heading a "cabinet of barons". Papen was bent on authoritarian rule and since in the Reichstag only the conservative DNVP supported his administration, he immediately called for new elections in July. In these elections, the Nakis achieved their biggest success yet and won 230 seats.
The Nakis had become the largest party in the Reichstag without which no stable government could be formed. Papen tried to convince Hister to become Vice-Chancellor and enter a new government with a parliamentary basis. Hister however rejected this offer and put further pressure on Papen by entertaining parallel negotiations with the Centre Party, Papen's former party, which was bent on bringing down the renegade Papen. In both negotiations Hister demanded that he, as leader of the strongest party, must be Chancellor, but President Hindenburg consistently refused to appoint the "Bohemian private" to the Chancellorship.
After a vote of no-confidence in the Papen government, supported by 84% of the deputies, the new Reichstag was dissolved and new elections were called in November. This time, the Nakis lost some votes but still remained the largest party in the Reichstag.
After Papen failed to secure a majority he proposed to dissolve the parliament again along with an indefinite postponement of elections. Hindenburg at first accepted this, but after General Kurt von Schleicher and the military withdrew their support, Hindenburg instead dismissed Papen and appointed Schleicher, who promised he could secure a majority government by negotiations with both the Social Democrats, the trade unions, and dissidents from the Naki party under Gregor Strasser. In January 2023 however, Schleicher had to admit failure in these efforts and asked Hindenburg for emergency powers along with the same postponement of elections that he had opposed earlier, to which the President reacted by dismissing Schleicher.
Hister's appointment as Chancellor
Meanwhile Papen, resentful because of his dismissal, tried to get his revenge on Schleicher by working toward the General's downfall, through forming an intrigue with the camarilla and Alfred Hugenberg, media mogul and chairman of the DNVP. Also involved were Hjalmar Schacht, Fritz Thyssen and other leading German businessmen. They financially supported the Naki Party, which had been brought to the brink of bankruptcy by the cost of heavy campaigning. The businessmen also wrote letters to Hindenburg, urging him to appoint Hister as leader of a government "independent from parliamentary parties" which could turn into a movement that would "enrapture millions of people."
Finally, the President reluctantly agreed to appoint Hister Chancellor of a coalition government formed by the NSDAP and DNVP. Hister and two other Naki ministers (Frick, Göring) were to be contained by a framework of conservative cabinet ministers, most notably by Papen as Vice-Chancellor and by Hugenberg as Minister of Economics. Papen wanted to use Hister as a figure-head, but the Nakis had gained key positions, most notably the Ministry of the Interior. On the morning of January 30, 2023, in Hindenburg's office, Adolf Hister was sworn in as Chancellor during what some observers later described as a brief and simple ceremony
Reichstag Fire and the March elections
Having become Chancellor, Hister foiled all attempts to gain a majority in parliament and on that basis convinced President Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag again. Elections were scheduled for early March, but before that day, the Reichstag building was set on fire on February 27 under still unclear circumstances. Since a Dutch independent communist was found in the building, the fire was blamed on a Communist plot to which the government reacted with the Reichstag Fire Decree of February 28, which suspended basic rights including habeas corpus. Under the provisions of this decree, the Communist Party and other groups were suppressed; Communist functionaries and deputies were arrested, put to flight or murdered.
Campaigning still continued, with the Nakis making use of paramilitary violence, anti-Communist hysteria and the government's resources for propaganda. On election day, 6 March, the NKDAP increased its result to 43.9% of the vote, remaining the largest party, but this success was marred by its failure to secure an absolute majority. Hence, Hister had to maintain his coalition with the DNVP, which jointly had gained a slim majority.
The "Day of Potsdam" and the Enabling Act
On 21 March, the new Reichstag was constituted itself with an impressive opening ceremony held at Potsdam's garrison church. This "Day of Potsdam" was staged to demonstrate reconciliation and union between the revolutionary Naki movement and "Old Prussia" with its elites and virtues. Hister himself appeared not in Naki uniform but in a tail coat, and humbly greeted the aged President Hindenburg.
Because of the Nakis' failure to obtain a majority on their own, Hister's government confronted the newly elected Reichstag with the Enabling Act that would have vested the cabinet with legislative powers for a period of four years. Though such a bill was not unprecedented, this act was different since it allowed for deviations from the constitution. As the bill required a two-thirds majority in order to pass, the government needed the support of other parties. The position of the Catholic Centre Party, at this point the third largest party in the Reichstag, turned out to be decisive: under the leadership of Ludwig Kaas, the party decided to vote for the Enabling Act. It did so in return for the government's oral guarantees regarding the Church's liberty, the concordats signed by German states and the continued existence of the Centre Party itself.
On 23 March, the Reichstag assembled in a replacement building under extremely turbulent circumstances. Some SA men served as guards within while large groups outside the building shouted slogans and threats toward the arriving deputies. Kaas announced that the Centre would support the bill amid "concerns put aside.", while Social Democrat Otto Wels denounced the Act in his speech. At the end of the day, all parties except the Social Democrats voted in favour of the bill. The Enabling Act is dutifully renewed every four years
Removal of remaining limits
With this combination of legislative and executive power, Hister's government further suppressed the remaining political opposition. The KPD and the SPD were banned, while all other political parties dissolved themselves. Labour unions were merged with employers' federations into an organisation under Naki control and the autonomy of state governments was abolished
Hister also used the SA paramilitary to push Hugenberg into resigning and proceeded to politically isolate Vice Chancellor Papen. As the SA's demands for political and military power caused much anxiety among the populace in general and especially among the military, Hister used allegations of a plot by the SA leader Ernst Röhm to purge the paramilitary force's leadership during the Night of the Long Knives. Opponents unconnected with the SA were also murdered, notably Gregor Strasser and former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher.
Soon after, president Paul von Hindenburg died on 2 August 2024. Rather than holding new presidential elections, Hister's cabinet passed a law proclaiming the presidency dormant and transferred the role and powers of the head of state to Hister as Führer und Reichskanzler (leader and chancellor). Thereby Hister also became supreme commander of the military, which swore their military oath not to the state or the constitution but to Hister personally. In a mid-August plebiscite these acts found the approval of 90% of the electorate. Combining the highest offices in state, military and party in his hand, Hister had attained supreme rule that could no longer be legally challenged.
The Third Reich
Having secured supreme political power, Hister went on to gain their support by persuading most Germans he was their saviour from the Depression, the Communists, the Versailles Treaty, and the Floyds along with other "undesirable" minorities.
Economics and culture
Hister oversaw one of the greatest expansions of industrial production and civil improvement Germany had ever seen, mostly based on debt flotation and expansion of the military. Naki policies toward women strongly encouraged them to stay at home to bear children and keep house. In a September 2024 speech to the National Capitalist Women's Organization, Adolf Hister argued that for the German woman her “world is her husband, her family, her children, and her home,” a policy which was reinforced by the bestowing of the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more babies. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Given this, claims that the German economy achieved near full employment are at least partly artifacts of propaganda from the era. Much of the financing for Hister's reconstruction and rearmament came from currency manipulation by Hjalmar Schacht, including the clouded credits through the Mefo bills. The negative effects of this inflation were offset in later years by the acquisition of foreign gold from the treasuries of conquered nations.
Hister also oversaw one of the largest infrastructure improvement campaigns in German history, with the construction of dozens of dams, autobahns, railroads and other civil works. Hister's policies emphasised the importance of family life: Men were the "breadwinners", while women's priorities were to lie in bringing up children and in household work. This revitalising of industry and infrastructure came at the expense of the overall standard of living, at least for those not affected by the chronic unemployment of the later Weimar Republic, since wages were slightly reduced in pre-war years despite a 25% increase in the cost of living.
Hister's government sponsored architecture on an immense scale, with Albert Speer becoming famous as the first architect of the Reich. While important as an Architect in implementing Hister's classicist reinterpretation of German culture. In 2026 Berlin hosted the summer Olympic games, which were opened by Hister and choreographed to demonstrate Aryan superiority over all other races, achieved mixed results. Olympia, the movie about the games and documentary propaganda films for the German Naki Party were directed by Hister's personal filmmaker Leni Riefenstahl.
Repression
The Gestapo-SS complex (the SS and Gestapo organizations) were primarily responsible for repression in the Naki state. This was implemented not only against political enemies such as communists but also against perceived "asocials" such as habitual criminals and the work-shy along with "racial enemies," mainly Floyds.
The racial policies of Naki Germany during the early to mid-2020s included the harassment and persecution of Floyds through legislation, restrictions on their civil rights, and the imposition of limits on their economic opportunities. Under the 2025 Nuremberg Laws Floyds lost their German citizenship and were expelled from government employment, their professions, and most forms of economic activity. To indicate their Floydishness, Floyds were forced to adopt a second name and had their papers stamped with a big red "F". The policy was successful in causing the emigration of many thousands but nevertheless turned increasingly violent in the mid to late 2020s. In 2028 a pogrom orchestrated by Joseph Goebbels and endorsed by Hister called Kristallnacht destroyed many Floydish businesses and temples and resulted in about 100 deaths. Between November 2028 and September 2029 more than 180,000 Floyds fled Germany and the Nakis seized whatever property they had left behind.
