Constantino Sorantanali

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Constantino Sorantanali
Constantino_Sorantanali_9.jpg

Pacitalia_smaller.jpg 68th prime minister of Pacitalia
In office
25th January9th August, 2006
Political party Federation of Progressive Democrats
Preceded by Timothy Ell
Succeeded by Albinanda Serodini

Born

 
14th December, 1958
Cantone Aguriamassa-Prano,
Liguria, Pacitalia
Spouse Geria Sorantanali (dec.)
Profession Politician, historian
Religion Roman Catholic
Languages Pacitalian, English

Constantino Giancarlo Ambrosino Sorantanali, M.A.-Hon(Hist.), (born 14th December 1958 in Cantone Aguriamassa-Prano, Liguria, Pacitalia) was the sixty-eighth prime minister of Pacitalia, having won not only the most, but a majority, of seats in the 111th federal general election on Wednesday, 25th January, 2006. He was also the leader of the Federation of Progressive Democrats and the former premerati of Sambuca. The latest election produced the FPD's sixth-straight majority government. The party won 351 of 647 seats in the Constazione Ampoliticato Federali and 150 of the 293 seats in the Senatoro Federali. However, Sorantanali resigned on the evening of 9th August, 2006, upon the shocking murder of his family and increasing pressure to resign, combined with the suicide of his friend and political first mate, Domenico Benficalzo, and his admission to ordering the murder of a man whom he perceived to be his major political opponent within the FPD. [1]

On 5th July, 2007, nearly one year after his resignation, Sorantanali's trial ended with a guilty verdict, on the crimes of treason and first-degree murder. Eleven days later, the deposed 49-year-old was sentenced to death by the process of lethal injection. However, he still has to face trial proceedings in two other instances: Intracircumcordei's authorities are to examine him as a witness for his alleged role in bankrolling the death of an influential bishop there, and Sarzonian authorities are scheduled to try him on charges of conspiracy and terrorism against the Incorporated States and its people. He will be transferred into Sarzonian custody on 30th July, 2007, under the terms of a pre-existing extradition agreement between the Second Pacitalian Republic and the Incorporated States.

Sorantanali, like his two predecessors, is a capitalist conservative, but has noticeably greater libertarian leanings than Mr Ell or Mr Santo Ragazzo. Before his election and subsequent resignation, it was widely expected he would govern under the principles of the Third Way ideology, which combines fiscal conservatism and capitalism with light social democratic principles, like workfare and other light social assistance, instead of Pacitalia's traditional social safety net developed by Mr Santo Ragazzo and Mr Ell, which he did to a respectable extent.

Early life

Sorantanali was born Constantino Giancarlo Ambrosino Sorantanali on 14th December 1958 in the rural canton of Aguriamassa-Prano (north of Lucifora, population: 75,190) to mother Vanesca and father Ambrosino, both pure-blooded Ligurians. By the time Constantino was two he had earned a nickname for causing havoc around the household - on his second birthday, he knocked a wicker fan onto the stove and nearly burned down the house. At the age of four, he ran over his first pet, a cocker spaniel named Boula, with his bicycle accidentally, and the two broken legs meant the dog had to be put down.

Catholic boarding school controversy

His roguish behaviour landed him in Catholic boarding school at the age of five, and by the time he emerged from primary education six years later, he had refined speech, distinctly reformed behaviour and heavy religious leanings. However, in the summer of 1970, Sorantanali claimed he was whipped and beaten repeatedly, and forced to wear a cilice belt on his thigh in his first two years at the Burgumanta School of Male Christian Reformation of the Immaculate Conception. This was reportedly over Sorantanali's accidental breaking of an amber marble vase worth hundreds of doura. The nuns there vehemently denied such claims but were found guilty of child abuse in the first degree and promptly fired by the school before their six-year incarceration and psychiatric rehabilitation. The school paid the Sorantanali family twenty thousand doura in compensation. The Catholic church criticised the Sorantanali family for not acting on the claim earlier (this would have been at least five years later), but it is widely known students at the school -- and others like it -- were cut off from communication with the outside world, even relatives, during the time at the school.

Sorantanali claimed he didn't know the punishment was overdrawn until his fifth year when he witnessed the same treatment being applied to a five-year-old boy. The trial of the nuns was ultimately responsible for Sorantanali's self-imposed excommunication from the Catholic church, despite the Cardinal of Liguria's repeated disavocation of the nuns. Religious conspiracy theorists who claim Sorantanali was falsifying the use of the cilice belt to ensure conviction of the nuns were in 2002 proved wrong when Sorantanali released pictures his parents took in 1971 of the marks on both of his upper thighs. His wife, Geria, says he still has scar tissue from the incidents. A very barely noticeable limp in his right leg seems to be further evidence of cilice use.

Education

After leaving the Burgumanta School of Male Christian Reformation, Sorantanali entered his first year of secondary school in September 1971, at the public school Secundaria Prano-Centrado just blocks from his house, a far cry from the Catholic school nearly an hour's drive west. By the time Sorantanali graduated in June 1976, he had earned nearly 20 academic awards, ending up with first-class honours and an overall academic average of 96,3% (third-highest in the year).

Sorantanali immediately proceeded north to the University of Sambuca on an academic scholarship and earned a Bachelor's of the Arts in History and International Relations. He received the degree in April 1980 but wasn't satisfied with that achievement. So, the following fall semester, he enrolled again, and two years later (April 1982) emerged with an upgrade of his degree to a Masters', with a minor in General Political Theory.

Inceptive political experience

In the summer of 1982, Sorantanali earned an internship as a junior strategist with the federal FPD (then Pacifist Party) MPP for Sambuca-South, Signora Gracia Taranza-Forina. Signora Taranza-Forina clearly admired Sorantanali's problem-solving skills and his definitively analytical mind, and placed him under her employ as a paid junior strategist by October. His rise in the political community continued well into 1983, when after a successful re-election based largely on his advice, she promoted him to Senior Strategist and Assistant Campaign Manager.

However, on her advice and with her support, he decided to enter provincial politics in Sambuca by running for Provincial Legislative Member (PLM) in Sambuca's inner-city Chenaboli-Sorgano constituency. He won in the 1987 election by more than 20% and served his full term of four years out. In 1990, there were rumblings for him to campaign for provincial FPD leadership and when a number of FPD PLMs publicly announced their support for his candidacy (which did not exist yet) he began to consider his options. For advice, he turned back to his former boss, Signora Taranza-Forina, who told him to "follow his heart". That he did, as the next morning he announced his candidacy. The subsequent leadership convention saw him capture an astounding three-quarters of the total delegation's support and thus the position of party leader for the provincial FPD. However, with an FPD government having been in power for nearly 25 years, and rumblings for change despite the overall positive feelings of the government, there seemed to be nothing Sorantanali could do, except watch the socialist PSC steal victory in the 1991 election, by a 50.9-49.1 margin.

Provincial politics and premerato

The PSC was immediately disliked in Sambuca for being way too left-wing. Unfortunately for the public, the province was the only one with fixed election dates, meaning they were stuck with that government under Carmine Dovanesto for four years unless he resigned. Sorantanali heavily campaigned before the 1995 election but he didn't really need to - the PSC was wiped out in that year's vote, losing by a 74.2-25.8 margin. Sorantanali's decisive mandate was more than just dislike of the PSC - it was admiration for him as a person and as a qualified leader. His debating skills had already been honed and encouraged as opposition leader to a strongly hated provincial administration. Dovanesto's ignorance of calls to resign by early 1993 only furthered the hatred.

Sorantanali led a very effective administration in the late 1990s, reforming provincial social insurance and lowering provincial tax rates to encourage business. Sorantanali's Police Act increased the proportion of police officers to citizens, making Sambucan cities some of the safest in the country. Most importantly, during his watch, the Sambucan economy grew from a dependence on agriculture to a dependence on well-developed shipping and transportation systems. Sambuca held the fourth-largest economy in Pacitalia by 2000, surpassing Antigonia.

By late 2004, Sorantanali, fresh off a third election victory the previous year, was becoming a widely mentioned name for a successor to heavily-lauded and hugely respected prime minister Timothy Ell. Ell had not yet announced he would step down, but there were generalised rumours and gossip surrounding Timiocato's government district starting from that point and culminating in Ell's 8th November 2005 resignation. From that date, Constantino Sorantanali was continuously referred to as the "favourite to win", with The Economist calling him the next Timothy Ell.

Leadership of the federal FPD

Sorantanali was one of the last to officially announce his candidacy. With his family at his side, he, at a press conference, threw his hat in the ring and brought a powerful opponent to Potenza mayor Castel Devante and Ciocanto premerati Mariana Cosima Vincenza. Three other candidates entered their names but were discounted from the start for their lack of political experience in comparison with Devante, Vincenza and Sorantanali.

At the 28th December 2005 leadership convention, Sorantanali earned 39% of the votes on the first ballot, with Vincenza close behind at 30%. Devante took 18%. Still, for Sorantanali, it was initial disappointment - that was most definitely not enough to earn the leadership, well short of the 60.0% minimum. On that ballot, the three "nobodies" were all eliminated on the "less than 10% of the votes" rule, which ensures fewer ballots and thus a quicker path to an eventual victor.

On the second ballot, Sorantanali took 56.8% of the vote (after the three eliminated candidates from ballot one threw their support behind him). Vincenza's 25% was less than her first-ballot total - meaning some of her supporters defected in that vote - but was still enough to prevent Sorantanali from taking the leadership in the second ballot. Castel Devante once again took about 18% of the votes and as the last-place finisher, was eliminated.

The third ballot was then a two-way race between Sorantanali and Vincenza, which would ensure a winner unless Devante's supporters backed their fellow northerner, Vincenza (creating a likely 52-48 vote for Sorantanali, still insufficient). Castel Devante's supporters did not publicly say who they were going to support in the third ballot, leaving speculation rampant. In the end, they split slightly in Sorantanali's favour as he defeated Vincenza by a wide margin of 68% to 32% and took the FPD leadership. He was sworn in one week later (4th January, 2006). However, the day after his leadership win he had already started campaigning for the federal election due at the end of January.

In office

A blip on the radar

Sorantanali enjoyed a very, very brief period of immense popularity at home in the weeks following his election. He assumed the role of prime minister on a high after winning a decisive mandate from voters, and showed economic and social competencies that appeared to match his predecessors in many cases. Approval of his leadership and his politics increased once more when Sorantanali slammed his Space Unionist counterpart Harsimran Mann for attempting to convert his country to the extremist Macabean ideology, Absolute Capitalism. He threatened to cut off relations with Space Union and sent much of the Atlantian Oceanian region, and the two nations' mutual allies, into a diplomatic frenzy. Eventually, Sorantanali won out despite protests and name-calling from Mann and Mann's advisors. Mann was forced to resign after violent protests shook Space Union. Despite the apparent trophy win by the Pacitalian prime minister, the event was to mark the beginning of the end of Sorantanali's primacy.

And then the tumble

After the debacle with Space Union, Sorantanali faced increasing pressure at home over various domestic and foreign issues and showed, relative to that increased strain, a growing ability to cope.

Main article: Panic of 2006

A recession had begun to develop in Sarzonia late in 2005, following highly overaged bidding wars for Space Unionist defence contractors, infrastructure managers and other industry leaders. It was the largest mass foreign privatisation in Space Union's history and the end of the melée was characterised by one event in particular: the bidding war between Pacitalian shipbuilder Marinoceta SpA, and Sarzonian mega-contractor Portland Iron Works over Space Union's premier shipbuilder, Manston Naval Works. The company was originally valued at $4bn NSD in the selloff. Investors and analysts estimate that Marinoceta did not have the capital, stocks, equity or financial resources to successfully win a bid any higher than about $30bn NSD, so when the bidding passed that point the Pacitalian company was in effect bluffing repeatedly in order to force PIW to pay as much money as possible before MNW accepted a bid. Indeed, PIW's last offer was an astounding one trillion dollars, but the company stopped bidding when a Guffingfordii company countered with an increased offer. It still looked like the Sarzonian offer would be accepted despite the higher bid from the private-equity firm, but the bid was declined as the Space Union government stepped in and cancelled the privatisations and selloffs process.

Even though PIW didn't end up paying a cent, nor did Marinoceta, the damage to the Sarzonian giant's reputation was done, as it appeared to investors and rivals that the corporation had no sense of financial responsibility or accountability. And when a call from Sarzonian lieutenant president Nicole Lewis to PIW chief Barbara Tucker demanding answers ended in disaster, everyone involved realised they had disaster on their hands. A mass selloff of Sarzonian equity, and companies in general, ensued, and the currency's value deflated like a balloon. The country entered a full-fledged depression, helped along by a lack of investor confidence in Hamptonshire, Pacitalia, Praetonia and the United Kingdom. Isselmere-Nieland's valiant attempts to counter the rapid-fire selling of Sarzonian value flatly dissolved.

Sorantanali did appear to be handling the crisis to the best of his ability, staying out of the way of business and letting the market correct itself and adjust to the conditions in Sarzonia. But an ill-fated conference in the Hamptonian city of Seaburg, called to discuss the Sarzonian problem and find solutions, changed Sorantanali's legacy irreversibly. Sorantanali sent his Agustinate of Finance, Sebastiano Sigurimasso, to the Seaburg Conference. Sigurimasso and Hamptonian central bank head Margrethe Cirmos-Varcolik developed a plan that would tie the Sarzonian dollar to the Pacitalian douro and Hamptonian krone to stop the seemingly constant slide of the currency's value. Economic aid from the two countries was thusly contingent on the Sarzonians' acceptance of the plan, but the idea backfired both inside the conference room walls and outside, as the general public revolted and Sorantanali's reputation began to suffer.

In response to his poor leadership in dealing with the crisis in Sarzonia, and his apparent warming to the Roach-Busterian dictator J.L., Sorantanali's personal approval rating dropped below 50 percent in late April. It was the first time since Giorgio Cassata in the late 1980s that a prime minister had been more disliked than liked by voters. Fuel prices also spiked dramatically, sending a light panic through commodities and stock traders, who demanded that Sorantanali end the fuel tax in order to offset costs. The alternative, they said, was for him to resign. But he refused, and instead began tightening controls on the media and on freedom of speech, going against the constitution in doing so. His popularity dropping even further, the mood in Pacitalia was becoming desperate as Sorantanali showed what, in the opinion of most Pacitalians, was an utter lack of competency. The message became clear: he had to go. Protests intensified, culminating in a massive three-million-strong protest on the streets of Timiocato. In mid-June, cabinet began to revolt against their prime minister, holding a referendum that just barely failed: the public voted 76 percent in favour of sacking Sorantanali but cabinet got cold feet at the last moment, and were one member short of successfully ejecting Sorantanali from the premiership. The prime minister took the opportunity to solidify his grasp on power, relieving all but three Agustinates of their duties and centralising authority in his office. While that move indeed violated written constitutional law, Sorantanali continued to proceed undeterred.

On July 19, then-opposition leader Fernando Chiovitti managed to engineer an absolute resignation of all 939 MPPs and senators as a sign of in-house protest to Sorantanali's continued leadership. But the prime minister attempted to soldier on despite these setbacks, and indeed expressed his happiness that he was now able to govern without fear of the legislatures defeating or opposing his policies.

The last days in office

Constantino Sorantanali's primacy was strongly punctuated and symbolised by his last two weeks in office. With support for his three-man administration, the "triumvirate" of Domenico Benficalzo and Albinanda Serodini, at an excruciatingly low 9 percent, Sorantanali was desperate to regain a sense of approval in his work, right the ship and reinstall cabinet with new faces in order to continue governing.

Indeed, Sorantanali may have managed to remain in power for longer than he did had it not been for one final mistake: on the last weekend in July, he ordered the death of his former Agustinate of International Relations, Dr Sancatto Serra, because he perceived the man to be fomenting the dissent against him and attempting to usurp his position as FPD leader, and thusly as prime minister. Sorantanali commanded military resources to carry out the hit. He urged a friendly contact inside the military to keep the hit order "absolutely silent" as he was deliberately violating assassination protocols by upgrading Dr Sancatto Serra to executable status. A "level-three hit", as it is called, means that the target in question "poses an immediate risk to national security and needs to be eliminated or detained immediately, depending on the situation and circumstances". On 1st August, Dr Sancatto Serra was gunned down by a sniper on a street in the Amalfian city of Rigunanta, just after eating breakfast at a local café.

Authorities immediately commenced an investigation into the assassination and approached the man, SSA Ruggiero Canzofera of the Elite Special Operations Force, after analysing phone conversations between the prime minister and the army contact. The Pacitalian Central Intelligence Commission agents that interviewed Canzofera remarked that he was "extremely distraught at the barbarism he had approved".

Upset at carrying out Sorantanali's bidding, and determined to make things right, the prime minister's contact and friend inside the Pacitalian Defence Forces' Land Forces Command betrayed him by appearing at a press conference on 4th August and having a military spokesman announce, on his behalf, every single detail of what transpired to a rapt, packed house. The world watched in horror as it became apparent Sorantanali had indeed ordered the hit and broken the law in doing so. Diplomatic channels were on fire with the amount of condemnations being released. A second investigation commenced immediately, with authorities looking into Sorantanali's apparent abuses of executive power and the assassination charge, and by late August had procured nearly 180,000 documents supporting the charges and allegations.

Sorantanali had not emerged from the prime minister's office in the New Prado since before mid-July, fearing his life was at danger. But he did descend the stairs to the press briefing room, albeit with a heavy security cordon, to vigorously, though unconvincingly, defend himself following his friend's betrayal. The next morning, Domenico Benficalzo was found dead in his hotel room in Bazalonia, having committed suicide by overdosing on sleeping pills. Benficalzo was attending a trade conference and the increased workload was taking its toll on him. Sorantanali's lack of response to his best friend's death only intensified public anger. Protests resumed that afternoon. Pacitalia's allies mourned the loss of an innocent man together with Pacitalian citizens, while Sorantanali remained barricaded in the prime minister's office.

Protestors organised a National Day of Action for 7th August, in which nearly 370 million people hit the streets in marches both inside and outside Pacitalian borders. The largest such protest was in Timiocato, where an unbelievable 12 million people marched from the Colosseo Repubblicana to the Piazza dei Santi, and protested directly under Sorantanali's office balcony at the New Prado. Claims by protestors that Sorantanali emerged to spit on the crowd and throw garbage at them went unsubstantiated, though media footage shows a man of undecipherable features coming onto the balcony and looking over the railing at the crowd for several minutes. Hamptonshire's Lord-Protector at the time, Lord Rosecrans, attended the Timiocato protest with his wife, and expressed his support to the crowds.

Later that evening, Sorantanali made his ubiquitous "Cold, Dead Hands" speech, in which he criticised protestors for undermining their own freedoms and embarrassing the Democratic Capitalist Republic on the world stage. He expressed deep frustration with the public, whom he said were "taking their democratic freedoms for granted" and "not keen on keeping the country on the right track". He strongly impressed that he would not resign under any circumstance and that anyone attempting to separate him from the office "to which [he was] fairly elected [would be] treated as treasonous slime". Again, protests, though it seemed an impossibility, intensified further.

Extremist opposition to Sorantanali became so incredibly frustrated with the lack of progress in ousting the prime minister that they put into action what they later said was a "long-festering plan of action to do away with the tyrant bastard". On the same evening as Sorantanali's infamous speech, they forcibly entered Sorantanali's civilian villa in suburban Sambuca and kidnapped his wife, Geria, and their children, Pieri and Ursulina. The kidnappers did not demand a ransom payment or make threats of any kind except to publicly decry Sorantanali once more in a video released on a third-party website and spread around the Internet in a rapid viral campaign. The attitude and lack of demands from the kidnappers led officials within the PCIC to believe that they were prepared to kill Sorantanali's family, and began investigating ways to locate and extract the family before it was too late. True to intent, a second video was later released showing the execution of the family. The angle clearly shows the children being executed by handgun behind their mother, before she herself was executed in a similar fashion. Authorities, shocked and desperate, tried to limit the spread of the graphic, high-resolution film on the Internet, but failed, and the video arrived in news network inboxes and subsequently made the jump to the television.

In response to the murder of his family, the seemingly unbreakable Sorantanali did the inconceivable, and resigned his office on 9th August. A pregnant pause brought gravity to his opening words: "you win". The man broke down in tears as he relinquished his iron-clad hold on the office of prime minister, ending his career in politics with a literal bang. The prime minister later admitted that the reason his wife and children had not been seen with him in a long time, and the reason they were not living with him at the prime minister's residence in Timiocato, was indeed owed to the fact that they had left him over his policies and governing style, which they collectively found humiliating.

The next day, Pacitalia's comissioneri alti summoned the cabinet of the now former prime minister back to work, both to find an interim replacement for him, under the position of Consigliere degli Governmenti, and to deliberate on the backlog of legislations that were left by the departed prime minister. Albinanda Serodini faced off against two other women, Fiorenza Neroglianta (the reinstated Agustinate of Industry and Resources) and Paulina Cessanti (the long-serving Agustinate of National Culture and Heritage). Despite her membership in the triumvirate with Sorantanali and Benficalzo, she emerged the clear choice to take over in the interim before an election could be held and was appointed the country's seventh CdG, bringing an end to the prolific, bitterly-contested and politically savaging six months of Sorantanali's primacy.

Post-resignation and incarceration

Following the resignation, Sorantanali refused to visit his house, the site of the kidnapping, instead barricading himself in his apartment in Sambuca, refusing to talk to the media. National police were sent to negotiate an end to the one-sided standoff but were recalled until investigators and authorities could continue their investigation. But following nearly four weeks of self-imposed isolation, the disgraced man voluntarily entered the custody of Pacitalian authorities on 1st September, 2006. He was, accordingly, sent to the maximum security facility at Ginarco degli Marchi, Sephalusia, on 14th September. The facility's location was classified up until his release for the trial. He spent 279 days in the prison and gained considerable weight, whilst shedding much of his characteristic salt-and-pepper mane and becoming gaunt-faced and very pale. The man who exited prison to attend the first day of his trial appeared to reporters to be a "ghost", a literal "shell of his former self", as one reporter inferred. In fact, the man's physical changes, whilst obvious, are seen by the majority of Pacitalians as remarkable, albeit pitiful. He also emerged a quieter man than in his past, the fiery disposition he enjoyed as premerato of Sambuca, and then as prime minister, absolutely extinguished.

Trial

Meanwhile, scheduling deliberations for the deposed former prime minister's trial proceedings had begun in earnest in January, 2007. On 17th February, authorities set a finalised trial period starting sometime in mid-June: indeed, preliminary testimony commenced on 19th June. The trial was rapid-fire, taking only three and a half weeks to complete, but included over 180,000 documents and 80 witnesses, including Mr Sorantanali himself. After only a handful of hours deliberating, the six-man, six-woman jury returned to the courtroom and convicted Sorantanali of treason against the Republic of Pacitalia, and of first-degree murder for ordering the death of former top Pacitalian diplomat Dr Rabastano Sancatto Serra in June, 2006.

Sentencing

On 16th July, 2007, at 1100 AOTC+3, Sorantanali was sentenced to death by lethal injection, using a polymetric potassium chloride solution. The death sentence relates to the first-degree murder charge. He was also ordered to serve 50 days of a life sentence for treason before the scheduled date of execution. Pacitalian authorities have also allowed authorities in the Divinus Imperium and the Incorporated States the opportunity to have Sorantanali as a witness, or try him for conspiracy and terrorism, respectively. While Pacitalian authorities have called the allegations against Sorantanali on the part of Intracircumcordei authorities (that he bankrolled or led the operation to murder an influential bishop there) "ludicrous" and "shaky", they do expect a strong sentence to be handed down by Sarzonian courts and will append any sentences to Mr Sorantanali as such.

Sorantanali's politics

Sorantanali's supporters believe his political beliefs truly represent what the Federation is about, and that such beliefs will draw the party closer together than ever before. Sorantanali is a capitalist conservative with libertarian streaks, believing in the free market capitalism principles of his predecessors. However, he is more supportive of same-sex marriage and euthanasia than Ell and Santo Ragazzo, who did not pick a side or were barely for/against. Sorantanali is slightly to the left of Timothy Ell, but adversely, believes in tougher sentencing for criminals. To compare, the men both believe murderers should receive life in prison, but where Ell believes there should be an opportunity after 30 years for parole, Sorantanali believes paroling opportunities should be revoked for the offender.

Principles of Sorantanalian 'family economics'

Sorantanali is the creator of so-called family economics. Unlike Ell and Santo Ragazzo, Sorantanali believes one of the keys to successful economic growth is to focus on the financial stability and economic contributions of individual households. Therefore, he believes in lowering income tax and creating a government system that enables parents to put their child or children through a full education and provide medical and dental care, food, shelter and clothing for the child or children without the normal heavy strain on their finances. This individualist compassion is what places Sorantanali to the left of Ell.

Sorantanali's personal life

Sorantanali was married to Geria Rosana Almanera (née Cupronta) for 20 years. They had two children, 18-year-old Pieri, and 4-year-old Ursulina. The kidnap and murder of Sorantanali's family was broadcast on international television and treated as "retaliation for Sorantanali's destructive leadership". It led to his resignation as prime minister.


Prime Minister of Pacitalia

Preceded by:
Timothy Ell
1996-2006
Prime Minister of Pacitalia
2006
Succeeded by:
Albinanda Serodini (interim)
2006


Ministry of the Government of Constantino Sorantanali
Special Positions (1)

Preceded by:
Timothy Ell
Leader of the Federation of
Progressive Democrats

2006
Succeeded by:
Albinanda Serodini (interim)



pacitalia_halfsize.jpg Prime Ministers of Pacitalia
Madusso-Ceranta | Bussotero | Sant'Orsino | Urtibano | Roberto Faustino | Bertadora | Martino Sperga | Tranibanto | Sorprantakis | Nicostrato | Pantafino | Santo Tiziano | Vittore | Anastasio Brauta | Vidinanta | Zerga | Concetto | Assovolti | da Sinota | Brazzitano | Spucurinanto | da Scupeta | Lomas-Peca | Santo Germano | Remigio | da Marino | Severiano | Berlusconi | Lothario Cristano | Deputà | Pacenta | Tammaro | Biagio Serra | d'Ippolito | Gualtiero-Delgado | Porfirio Aiglia | Callisto | Perrotta | Albaceti | Floriano | Casimiro | Cabrali | Bongiantura | Juliani | Vicino | Azrafeco | Santo Megna | Spadazzo | Fibriaudo | Chiefa Serra | Mapradora | Corpusto | Zalmano | Sorprantakis | Sfra | Sant'Allardo | Parderescu | Dragosto | Pietro Grazzo | Damescu | Rodriguez | Castorini | Papistikas | Cassata | Cicerone | Santo Ragazzo | Ell | Sorantanali | Serodini | Chiovitti