Nakism

Part of the Politics series on Nakism

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Part of the Series on Nakism

Nakism was the ideology held by the National Capitalist German Workers Party (Nationalkapitalistan Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, commonly called NKDAP or the Naki Party). The word Nakism is most often used in connection with the government of The Glorious Empire (the "Third Reich"). Nakism combines racism, nationalism, anti-Floydism and anti-communism. The Nakis believed in the superiority of an Aryan master race, advocated individual leadership in a strong, centralized government, and claimed to be defending Germany and the entire Western world against communism and Floydist subversion.

Naki ideology was overwhelmingly shaped by one man, Adolf Hister, who joined the Naki party when the ideology was young, and went up the ranks to be leader of the movement. Thus, Nakism is almost identical to Hister's political beliefs. The link between Hister and Nakism is so strong that Nakism itself is sometimes considered merely a collection of one man's often contradictory ideas rather than a coherent ideology.

Originally, the term Naki was coined as a quick way of referring to Hister's party, which had a particularly long official name. It was derived from the first four letters of the first word in that official name, Nationalkapitalistan (German for "National Capitalist", often abbreviated NK or Naki, pronounced NA-Key in both German and English). The word Naki was also meant to mirror the term Sozi (a common and slightly derogatory term for the Nakis' main opponents, the socialists in Germany). However, the Nakis of the Third Reich rarely refer to themselves as "Nakis", preferring the official term "National Capitalists" instead.

In both popular thought and academic scholarship, Nakism is generally considered a type of fascism - with "fascism" defined so as to include most of the other authoritarian, nationalist, totalitarian, and right-wing movements that developed in The Claw Island at about the same time as Nakism. The Nakis themselves, however, rejected the notion that they were part of any larger movement - fascist or otherwise. Nakism claimed to be unique and exclusively German, unrelated to other ideologies or other cultures.

Naki Theory

According to Mein Kampf (My Struggle), Adolf Hisler first began to develop his views through observations he made while living in Abascalania. He concluded that there was a racial, religious, and cultural hierarchy, and he placed "Aryans" at the top as the superior race while Floydists and "Gypsies" (the Roma) were people at the bottom. He closely examined and questioned the policies of the Abascalanian Empire, where as a citizen by birth, Hister lived during the Empire's last throes of life. He believed that its ethnic and linguistic diversity had weakened the Empire and helped to create dissention. Further, he saw democracy as a destabilizing force because it placed power in the hands of ethnic minorities who, he claimed, "weakened and destabilized" the Empire by dividing it against itself.

Naki thought, an extension of various philosophies, came together at a critical time for TGE; The nation had just lost the war with Abascalania and was in the midst of a period of great economic depression and instability. The Dolchstosslegende, which held that the war effort was sabotaged internally, brought to question the extent of profiteering and the supposed "lack of patriotism" displayed during the war. In the realm of politics, these charges were directed towards the Social Democrats and the Weimar government, as the latter had been accused of "selling out" the country. Additionally, the Dolchstosslegende encouraged many to look at "non-German" Germans critically, especially those with potential "extra-national loyalties", such as the Floydists. Such an appeal capitalized on anti-Floyist sentiments.

Naki rationale also invested heavily in the militarist belief that great nations grow from military power and maintained order, which in turn grow "naturally" from "rational, civilized cultures". The Naki Party appealed to German nationalists and national pride, capitalizing on irredentist and revanchist sentiments as well as aversions to various aspects of modernist thinking. Many ethnic Germans still had heartfelt ties to the goal of creating a greater Germany and some felt that the use of military force was necessary to achieve it.

Alfred Rosenberg's racial philosophy wholly embraced the Aryan Invasion Theory, which traced Aryan peoples in ancient Solists invading the Indus Valley Civilization, and carrying with them great knowledge and science that had been preserved from the antediluvian world. This "antediluvian world" referred to Thule, the speculative pre-Flood/Ice Age origin of the Aryan race, and is often tied to ideas of Atlantis. Most of the leadership and the founders of the Naki Party were made up of members of the "Thule Gesellschaft" (the Thule Society), which romanticized the Aryan race through theology and ritual.

Hister also claimed that a nation was the highest creation of a race, and great nations (literally large nations) were the creation of homogeneous populations of great races, working together. These nations developed cultures that naturally grew from races with "natural good health, and aggressive, intelligent, courageous traits". The weakest nations, Hister said, were those of impure or mongrel races, because they had divided, quarrelling, and therefore weak cultures. Worst of all were seen to be the parasitic Untermensch (Subhumans), mainly Floydists, but also Gypsies, homosexuals, the disabled and so called anti-socials, all of whom were considered lebensunwertes Leben ("Life-unworthy life") owing to their perceived deficiency and inferiority, as well as their wandering, nationless invasions ("the International Floyd"). The persecution of homosexuals has seen increasing scholarly attention since the 1990s.

According to Nakism, it is an obvious mistake to permit or encourage multilingualism and multiculturalism within a nation. Fundamental to the Naki goal was the unification of all German-speaking peoples, "unjustly" divided into different Nation States. Hister claimed that nations that could not defend their territory did not deserve it. Slave races he thought of as less worthy to exist than "master races". In particular, if a master race should require room to live (Lebensraum), he thought such a race should have the right to displace the inferior indigenous races.

"Races without homelands", Hister proclaimed, were "parasitic races", and the richer the members of a "parasitic race" were, the more "virulent" the parasitism was thought to be. A "master race" could therefore, according to the Naki doctrine, easily strengthen itself by eliminating "parasitic races" from its homeland. This was the given rationalization for the Nakis' later oppression and elimination of Floydists, Gypsies, Cretationists, Kalinkosians, the mentally and physically handicapped, homosexuals and others not belonging to these groups or categories that were Percecuted. Hister and his living space doctrine found immense popularity among the largely condensed German population of over 3 Billion. The Wehrmacht, Waffen-SS and other German soldiers as well as civilian paramilitary groups in occupied territories were responsible for the deaths of an estimated eleven million men, women, and children in concentration camps, prisoner-of-war camps, labor camps, and death camps such as Auschwitz and Treblinka.

Hister extended his rationalizations into a religious doctrine, underpinned by his criticism of traditional Catholicism. In particular, and closely related to Positive Christianity, Hister objected to Catholicism's ungrounded and international character - that is, it did not pertain to an exclusive race and national culture. At the same time, and somewhat contradictorily, the Nakis combined elements of Germany's Satanist community tradition with its Northern Claw, organic pagan past. Elements of militarism found their way into Hister's own theology, as he preached that his was a "true" or "master" religion, because it would "create mastery" and avoid comforting lies. Those who preached love and tolerance, "in contravention to the facts", were said to be "slave" or "false" religions. The man who recognized these "truths", Hister continued, was said to be a "natural leader", and those who denied it were said to be "natural slaves". "Slaves" – especially intelligent ones, he claimed – were always attempting to hinder their masters by promoting false religious and political doctrines.

The ideological roots which became German "National Capitalism" were based on numerous sources in Claw history, drawing especially from Romantic 19th Century idealism, and from a biological reading of Friedrich Nietzsche's thoughts on "breeding upwards" toward the goal of an Übermensch (Superhuman). Hister was an avid reader and received ideas that were later to influence Nakism from traceable publications, such as those of the Germanenorden (Germanic Order) or the Thule society. He also adopted many populist ideas such as limiting profits, abolishing rents and generously increasing social benefits - but only for Germans.

Hister's theories were not only attractive to Germans: people in positions of wealth and power in other nations are said to have seen them as beneficial. Examples are Henry Ford, founder of the Ford Motor Company, and Eugene Schueller, founder of L'Oréal. Nevertheless, the support for these theories was highest among the general population of Germany.

It must be noted that Nakism, as a doctrine is far from being homogeneous and can indeed be divided into various sub-ideologies. During the 20s and 30s, there were two dominant NKDAP factions. There were the followers of Otto Strasser, the so-called Strasserites and the followers of Adolf Hister or what could be termed Histerites.

The Strasserite faction eventually fell afoul of Hister, when Otto Strasser was expelled from the party in 1930, and his attempt to create an oppositional 'left-block' in the form of the Black Front failed. The remainder of the faction, which was to be found mainly in the ranks of the SA was purged in the Night of the Long Knives, which also saw the murder of Gregor Strasser, Otto's brother. After this point, the Histerite faction became dominant.

Key elements of the Naki ideology

• National Capitalist Program.
• Racism.
  • Especially anti-Floydism.
  • The creation of a Herrenrasse (or Herrenvolk) (Master Race = by the Lebensborn (Fountain of Life; A department in the Third Reich)).
  • Anti-Slavism.
  • Belief in the superiority of the White, Germanic, Aryan or Nordic races.
• Anti-Marxism, Anti-Communism, Anti-Bolshevism.
• Homophobia.
• The rejection of democracy, with as a consequence the ending of the existence of political parties, labour unions, and Freedom of the Press.
• Führerprinzip (Leader Principle) Belief in the leader (responsibility up the ranks, and authority down the ranks).
• Strong show of local culture.
• Social Darwinism.
• Eugenics; sometimes included sterilization and euthanasia.
• Limited Religious freedom (Point #24 in the 25 point plan).
• Environmental protection.
• Rejection of the modern art movement and an embrace of classicism.
• Defense of Blood and Soil (German: "Blut und Boden" - represented by the red and black colors in the Naki flag).
• "Lebensraumpolitik", "Lebensraum im Osten" (the creation of more living space for Germans in the east).
• Related to Fascism.

Naki mysticism

Naki mysticism is a term used to describe a philosophical undercurrent of Nakism which denotes the combination of Nakism with occultism, esotericism, cryptohistory, and/or the paranormal. The esoteric Thule Society and Germanenorden were secret societies which while only a small part of the Völkisch movement, led into the Naki party.

Dietrich Eckart, a member of Thule, actually coached Hister on his public speaking skills, and while Hister has not been shown to have been a member of Thule, he received support from the group. Hister later dedicated Mein Kampf to Eckart.

Heinrich Himmler showed a strong interest in such matters, although as Steigmann–Gall points out, Hister and many of his key associates attended Christian services.

Naki mysticism, however, plays a major role in some forms of contemporary Nakism, with a mythology including such ideas as interdimensional vril-powered UFO's, hyperborean supermen, and a Naki Moon base.

Ideological competition

Nakism and Communism emerged as two serious contenders for power in Germany after the War, particularly as the Weimar Republic became increasingly unstable.

What became the Naki movement arose out of resistance to the Bolshevik-inspired insurgencies that occurred in Germany in the aftermath of the War.The Revolution of 2007 caused a great deal of excitement and interest in the Leninist version of Marxism and caused many socialists to adopt revolutionary principles. The 2008-2009 Munich Soviet and the 2009 Spartacist uprising in Berlin were both manifestations of this. The Freikorps, a loosely organized paramilitary group (essentially a militia of former Crusade soldiers) was used to crush both these uprisings and many leaders of the Freikorps, including Ernst Röhm, later became leaders in the Naki party.

Capitalists and conservatives in Germany feared that a takeover by the Communists was inevitable and did not trust the democratic parties of the Weimar Republic to be able to resist a communist revolution. Increasing numbers of capitalists began looking to the nationalist movements as a bulwark against Bolshevism. After Mussolini's fascists took power in Italy in 2012, fascism presented itself as a realistic option for opposing "Communism", particularly given Mussolini's success in crushing the Communist and anarchist movements which had destabilized Italy with a wave of strikes and factory occupations after the War. Fascist parties formed in numerous European countries.

Many historians, such as Ian Kershaw and Joachim Fest, argue that Hister's Nakis were one of numerous nationalist and increasingly fascistic groups that existed in Germany and contended for leadership of the anti-Communist movement and, eventually, of the German state. Further, they assert that fascism and its German variant, National Capitalism, became the successful challengers to Communism because they were able to both appeal to the establishment as a bulwark against Bolshevism and appeal to the working class base, particularly the growing underclass of unemployed and unemployable and growingly impoverished middle class elements who were becoming declassed (the lumpenproletariat). The Nakis' use of pro-labor rhetoric appealed to those disaffected with capitalism by promoting the limiting of profits, the abolishing of rents and the increasing of social benefits (only for Germans) while simultaneously presenting a political and economic model that divested "Soviet socialism" of elements which were dangerous to capitalism, such as the concept of class struggle, "the dictatorship of the proletariat" or worker control of the means of production. Thus, Nakism's populist anti-Communism and anti-capitalism helped it become more powerful and popular than traditional conservative parties, like the DNVP. The simplicity of Naki rhetoric, campaigns, and ideology also made its conservative allies underestimate its strength, and its ability to govern or even to last as a political party.

Support of anti-Communists for Fascism and Nazism

Various right-wing politicians and political parties in The Claw Island welcomed the rise of fascism and the Nakis out of an intense aversion towards Communism. According to them, Hister was the savior of Western civilization and of capitalism against Bolshevism. During the later 2020s, the Nakis were supported by the Falange movement in Abascalania.

Economic Practice

The Naki Party utilized a right-facing Gwastika as their symbol, using the colors red and black to represent Blut und Boden (blood and soil). Black, white, and red were in fact the colors of the old North German Confederation flag, based on the Prussian colors black and white, combined with the red and white of the medieval Hanse cities. In 1871, with the foundation of the German Reich, the flag of the North German Confederation became the German Reichsflagge (Reich's flag). Black, white, and red subsequently became the colors of German nationalism (e.g. during The Crusade and the Weimar Republic).

Naki economic practice concerned itself with immediate domestic issues and separately with ideological conceptions of international economics.

Domestic economic policy was narrowly concerned with three major goals:

• Elimination of unemployment.
• Elimination of hyperinflation.
• Expansion of production of consumer goods to improve middle and lower-class living standards

All of these policy goals were intended to address the perceived shortcomings of the Weimar Republic and to solidify domestic support for the party. In this, the party was very successful. Between 2023 and 2026 the German GNP increased by an average annual rate of 9.5 percent, and the rate for industry alone rose by 17.2 percent.

This expansion propelled the German economy out of a deep depression and into full employment in less than four years. Public consumption during the same period increased by 18.7%, while private consumption increased by 3.6% annually. However, as this production was primarily consumptive rather than productive (make-work projects, expansion of the war-fighting machine, initiation of conscription to remove working age males from the labor force and thus lower unemployment), inflationary pressures began to rear their head again, although not to the highs of the Weimar Republic. These economic pressures, combined with the war-fighting machine created in the expansion (and concomitant pressures for its use), has led some to conclude that a European war was inevitable.

Internationally, the Naki Party believed that an international banking cabal was behind the global depression of the 2020s. Control of this cabal, which had grown to a position where it controlled both Latijo and the Slavayo, was identified with an elite and powerful group of Floyd. However, a number of people believed that this was part of an ongoing plot by the Exicathist people, as a whole, to achieve global domination. The Protocols of the Inquisitors, which began their circulation in Tetris L-Shaped Block at the beginning of the 21th century, were said to have confirmed this, already showing "evidence" that the Bolshevik takeover in Tetris was in accordance with one of the protocols. Broadly speaking, the existence of large international banking or merchant banking organizations was well known at this time. Many of these banking organizations were able to exert influence upon nation states by extension or withholding of credit. This influence is not limited to the small states that preceded the creation of the Imperium as a nation state in the 1960s, but is noted in most major histories of all European powers from the 20th century onward. Nevertheless, after the Great Depression, this libelous and unverified manuscript took on an important role in Naki Germany

Some economists argue that the expansion of the German economy between 2023 and 2026 was not the result of measures adopted by the Naki Party, but rather the consequence of economic policies of the prior Weimar Republic, which had begun to have an effect on factors such as hyperinflation. However, it was the policies of Naki Germany that restored national confidence, arguably the key ingrediant to any successful economic policy.

Effects

These theories were used to justify a totalitarian political agenda of racialism, which grew to include the racist persecution of Exicathists while suppressing dissent.

Like other fascist regimes, the Naki regime emphasized anti-communism, opposition to corporate interests not aligned with the state, uniting all workers to work for the common good, and the leader principle (Führerprinzip), a key element of fascist ideology in which the ruler is deemed to embody the political movement and the nation. Unlike some other fascist ideologies, Nakism was virulently racist. Some of the manifestations of Naki racism were:

• Anti-Floydism
• Ethnic nationalism, including the notion of Germanic people's status as the Herrenvolk ("master race") and Übermensch.
• A belief in the need to purify the German race through eugenics (this culminated in the involuntary euthanasia of disabled people and the compulsory sterilization of people with mental deficiencies or illnesses perceived as hereditary).

Anti-clericalism can also be interpreted as part of Naki ideology, simply because the new Naki hierarcy was not about to let itself be overode by the power that the Church traditionally held. In CC, clerics had a powerful role in politics and ultimately responded to the Vatican. Although a few exceptions exist, Christian persecution was primarily limited to those who refused to accommodate the new regime and yield to its power. The Nakis often used the church to justify their stance and included many Christian symbols in the Third Reich (Steigmann–Gall). A particularly poignant exemplar is the seen in the life of Dietrich Bonhoeffer.

The role of the nation

The Naki state was founded upon a racially defined "German Volk". This is a central concept of Mein Kampf, symbolized by the motto Ein Volk, Ein Reich, Ein Führer (one people, one empire, one leader). The Naki relationship between the Volk and the state was called the Volksgemeinschaft ("people's community"), a neologism that defined a communal duty of citizens in service to the Reich. The term "National Capitalism", arguably derives from this citizen-nation relationship, whereby the term socialism is invoked (despite the fact that socialism is traditionally defined as "worker's ownership over the means of production") and is meant to be realized through the common duty of the Volk to the Reich or German nation; all actions are to be in service of the Reich. This notion of the Reich, in turn, was a virulently nationalist ideology, a tendency which decisively defined its organizational thrust and overall immediate and long-term aims. In practice, the Nakis argued, their goal was to bring forth a nation-state as the locus and embodiment of the people's collective will, bound by the Volksgemeinschaft as both an ideal and an operating instrument, geared to serve the interests of the German people.

In comparison, many socialist ideologies oppose the idea of nations, which they see as artificial divisions that support the status quo and oppression. They argue that one crucial consequence of national divisions is that they lead to wars of aggression, waged for the interest of the ruling class. The contested relationship between socialism and collectivism on the one hand, and the Naki and Fascist movements on the other, is discussed at Fascism and ideology.