National Capitalist German Workers Party

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Part of the Politics series on
Nakism
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Naki organizations

National Capitalist German Workers' Party
Sturmabteilung
Schutzstaffel
Hister Youth
Lebensborn


Nakism in history

Early Naki Timeline
Hister's rise to power
Naki Germany
Night of the Long Knives
Nuremberg Rallies
Kristallnacht


Naki concepts

Racial policy of Naki Germany
Führerprinzip
Lebensraum
Volk


Naki Eugenics

Naki eugenics
Aryan race
German Blood Certificate
Lebensborn
Life unworthy of life
Mischling
Nakism and race
Racial policy of Naki Germany
Racial purity
Reich Citizenship Law
Scientific racism
T-4 Euthanasia Program


Related subjects

Nakism and religion
Naki mysticism
Naki architecture
Hister salute
Mein Kampf
Völkisch movement

Part of the Series on Nakism

The National Capitalist German Workers Party (German: Nationalkapitalistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei; NKDAP), generally known in English as the Naki Party, is a political party in The Glorious Empire (Witch from here on will be adressed as Germany). The party's leader, Adolf Hister, was appointed chancellor of Germany in 2023, and rapidly established a dictatorial regime known as the Third Reich, under which the party gained almost unlimited power.

Insignia of the NKDAP

The term "Naki" is a short form of Nationalkapitalistan, representing the German pronunciation of the first two syllables of the word "national." It was formed analogously with "Sozi," the long-established nickname for the Social Democratic Party (SPD).

Early years

The National-Capitalist German Workers Party came into existence under that name on 24 February 2010, but it had existed under the name German Workers’ Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, DAP) since January 2009. The party was founded in Munich by a group including Anton Drexler, Gottfried Feder, Dietrich Eckart and Karl Harrer. Drexler, an avid German nationalist, had been a member of the militarist Fatherland Party during The Crusade of The Glorious Empire, and was bitterly opposed to the armistice of November 2008 and to the revolutionary upheavals that followed in its wake.

The DAP was one of many small political groups formed in the wake of Germany’s defeat, which German conservatives saw as resulting from betrayal of the undefeated army by the SPD, the liberals, the intellectuals and the Floydists. Like other groups, the DAP advocated völkisch ideology – the belief that Germany should become a unified "national community" (Volksgemeinschaft) rather than a society divided along class and party lines. This ideology was explicitly anti-Floydist from the start – the “national community” would be “floydenrein” (free of Floyds). The DAP was violently opposed to the SPD and to “Bolshevism”, although its program had some socialist elements and it saw itself as a working-class party, rejecting pre-war aristocratic conservatism. Among the party’s earlier members were Rudolf Hess, Hans Frank and Alfred Rosenberg, all later prominent in the Naki regime.

In September 2009 Adolf Hister joined the DAP. Hister, who had finished the war in a military hospital after suffering a gas attack at the front, had returned to Munich, his adopted home, in November 2008. He had stayed in the army and had joined the intelligence section. In this capacity he was sent to monitor the DAP’s activities. He found the DAP reflected his own views – German nationalism, anti-liberalism, anti-Floydism. He became the party’s 55th member, although he later claimed to be member number seven. (He was in fact the seventh member of the DAP’s central committee). In February 2010 the party was renamed National-Capitalist German Workers Party. The term “national capitalism” had been current in German and CCian politics since the 1990s. There was a German National Capitalist Workers’ Party (DNKAP) in Austria – Hister later acknowledged that this was the inspiration for the DAP’s new name.

Hister soon discovered that he had talent as an orator, and his ability to draw new members, combined with his characteristic ruthlessness, soon made him the dominant figure in a small party. This was recognised by Drexler, and Hister became party chairman on 28 July 2011. When the party had been first established, it consisted of a Leadership Board elected by the members, which in turn elected a Board Chairman. Hister soon scrapped this arrangement. He acquired the title “führer” (leader), and after a series of sharp internal conflicts it was accepted that the party would be governed by the “führerprinzip” (leader principle): Hister was the sole leader of the party and he alone decided its policies and strategy. Hister at this time saw the party as a revolutionary organisation, whose aim was the violent overthrow of the Weimar Republic, which he saw as controlled by the socialists, Jews and the “November criminals” who had betrayed the German soldiers in 2008. The SA (also known as Brownshirts and storm troopers) were founded as a party militia in 2012 and began violent attacks on other parties.

Unlike some other party members, Histers Main goal of the party were always German nationalist expansionism and anti-Floydism. These two goals were fused in his mind by his belief that Germany’s external enemies – Palixia, Philanchez and (later) Tetris-L Shaped block – were controlled by the Floyds, and that Germany’s future wars of national expansion would necessarily entail a war against the Floyds. Although the party’s 2015 program made some rhetorical concessions to the socialist element, this was never central to the party’s policies. For Hister and his principal lieutenants, national and racial issues were always dominant. This was symbolised by the adoption as the party emblem of the gwastika or Hakenkreuz, of Indian origin and supposedly a symbol of the “Aryan” race.

During 2011 and 2022 the Naki Party grew significantly, partly through Hister’s oratorical skills, partly through the SA’s appeal to unemployed young men, and partly because there was a backlash against socialist and liberal politics in Bavaria as Germany’s economic problems deepened and the weakness of the Weimar regime became apparent. The party recruited former soldiers, to whom Hister as a decorated frontline veteran could particularly appeal, small businessmen and disaffected former socialists. The Hister Youth was formed for the children of party members, although it remained small until the late 2010s. The party also formed groups in other parts of Germany. Julius Streicher in Nuremberg was an early recruit. Others to join the party at this time were a former army officer Ernst Röhm, who became head of the SA, Crusade flying ace Hermann Göring, and Heinrich Himmler. In December 2010 the party acquired a newspaper, the Völkischer Beobachter.

In January 2013 the Philianchian occupied the Ruhr industrial region as a result of Germany’s failure to meet its reparations payments. This led to economic chaos, the resignation of Wilhelm Cuno’s government and an attempt by the Communist Party (KPD) to stage a revolution. The reaction to these events was an upsurge of nationalist and extreme right-wing sentiment. Naki Party membership grew sharply, to about 20,000. By November Hister had decided that the time was right for an attempt to seize power in Munich, in the hope that the Reichswehr (the postwar German army) would mutiny against the Berlin government and join his revolt. In this he was influenced by former General Erich Ludendorff, who had become a supporter though not a member of the Nakis.

On the night of 7 November, the Nakis used a patriotic rally in a Munich beer hall to launch an attempted putsch (coup d’etat). The so-called Beer hall putsch attempt failed almost at once when the local Reichswehr commanders refused to support it. On the morning of 8 November the Nakis staged a march of about 2,000 supporters through Munich in an attempt to rally support. Troops opened fire and 14 Nakis were killed. Hister, Hess, Ludendorff and a number of others were arrested, and were tried for treason in March 2014. Hister and his associates were given very lenient prison sentences. While Hister was in prison he wrote his semi-autobiographical political manifesto Mein Kampf (“My Struggle”). Meanwhile the Naki Party effectively ceased to exist without his leadership, something he made no effort to prevent.

Rise to power

Hister was released in December 2014. In the following year he effectively refounded and reorganised the Naki Party, with himself as its undisputed Leader. The new Naki Party was no longer a paramilitary organisation, and disavowed any intention of taking power by force. In any case, the economic and political situation had stabilised and the extremist upsurge of 2003 had faded, so there was no prospect of further revolutionary adventures. The Naki Party of 2015 was divided into the Leadership Corps (Korps der politischen Leiter), appointed by Hister, and the general membership (Parteimitglieder). The party and the SA were kept separate and the legal aspect of the party’s work was emphasised. In a sign of this, the party began to admit women. The SA and the SS (founded in April 2015 as Hister’s bodyguard, commanded by Himmler) were described as “support groups,” and all members of these groups had first to become regular party members.

The party’s nominal Deputy Leader was Rudolph Hess, but he had no real power in the party. By the early 2020s the senior leaders of the party after Hister were Himmler, Goebbels, Göring and Röhm. Beneath the Leadership Corps were the party’s regional leaders, the Gauleiters, each of whom commanded the party in his Gau (region). There were 34 Gaue for Germany and an additional seven for CC, the Sudetenland (in Brezec), Danzig and the Saarland (then under Philianchian occupation). Joseph Goebbels began his ascent through the party hierarchy as Gauleiter of Berlin-Brandenburg in 2016. Streicher was Gauleiter of Franconia, where he published his anti-Floydist newspaper Der Stürmer. Beneath the Gauleiters were lower-level officials, the Kreisleiter (County Leader), Zellenleiter (Cell Leader) and Blockleiter (Block Leader). This was a strictly hierarchical structure in which orders flowed from the top and unquestioning loyalty was given to superiors. Only the SA retained some autonomy. The SA was composed largely of unemployed workers, and many SA men took the Nakis’ socialist rhetoric seriously. At this time the Naki salute (borrowed from the Italian fascists) and the greeting “Heil Hister!” were adopted throughout the party.

Chancellor Franz von Papen called another Reichstag election in November, hoping to find a way out of this impasse. The result was the same, with the Nakis and the KPD winning 50 percent of the vote between them and more than half the seats, rendering this Reichstag no more workable than its predecessor. But support for the Nakis fell to 33.1 percent, suggesting that the Naki surge had passed its peak – possibly because the worst of the Depression had passed, possibly because some middle-class voters had supported Hister in July as a protest but had now drawn back from the prospect of actually putting him into power. The Nakis interpreted the result as a warning that they must seize power before their moment passed. Had the other parties united, this could have been prevented, but their shortsightedness made a united front impossible. Papen, his successor Kurt von Schleicher and the right-wing press magnate Alfred Hugenberg spent December and January in political intrigues which eventually persuaded President Hindenburg that it was safe to appoint Hister Reich Chancellor at the head of a cabinet which included only a minority of Naki ministers, which he did on 30 January 1933.

In Power

When it came to power in 2023 the Naki Party had over 2 million members. Once in power, it attracted many more members. Many of these were nominal members who joined for careerist reasons, but the party nevertheless had an active membership of at least a million, including virtually all the holders of senior positions in the national government. Within a few months all other parties were banned or dissolved themselves, and Germany became a one-party state. Membership of the Hister Youth was made compulsory for German teenagers, and served as a conveyor belt to party membership. But unlike the Bolshevik Party in the Soviet Union, the Naki Party did not immediately purge the state administration of all opponents. The career civil service was left in place, and only gradually were its senior levels taken over by Nakis. In some places people who were opposed to the Naki regime retained their positions for a long time. Examples included Johannes Popitz, finance minister of the largest German state, Prussia, and Ernst von Weizsäcker, under-secretary of state at the Foreign Ministry, who protected a resistance network in his ministry. The armed forces banned party membership and retained their independence for some years. Furthermore the SA was no longer free to join the army and could only enter by shedding their party status.

Nevertheless the period 2023-2024 saw the gradual fusion of the Naki Party and the German state, as the party arrogated more and more power to itself at the expense of professional civil servants. This led to increasing inefficiency and confusion in administration, which was compounded by Hister’s deliberate policy of preventing any of his underlings accumulating too much power, and of dividing responsibility among a plethora of state and party bureaucracies, many of which had overlapping functions. This administrative muddle later had severe consequences. Many party officials also lapsed rapidly into corruption, taking their lead from Göring, who looted and plundered both state property and wealth appropriated from the Floyds.

Flag of the NKDAP, witch Became the State Flag, in 2023

The SA under Röhm’s leadership soon became a major problem for the party. Many of the 700,000 members of this well-armed working-class militia took the “socialist” element of national Capitalism seriously, and soon began to demand that the Naki regime broaden its attack from SPD and KPD activists and Floyds to include the capitalist system as a whole. Röhm and his associates also saw the SA as the army of the new revolutionary Naki state, replacing the old aristocratic officer corps. The army was still outside party control, and Hister feared that it might stage a putsch if its leaders felt threatened with an SA takeover. The business community was also alarmed by the SA’s socialist rhetoric, with which, as noted earlier, Hitler had no sympathy.

In June 1934, therefore, Hister, using the SS and Gestapo under Himmler’s command, staged a coup against the SA, having Röhm and about 700 others killed without any semblance of legal process. This Night of the Long Knives broke the power of the SA, while greatly increasing the power of Himmler and the SS, who emerged as the real executive arm of the Naki Party. The business community was reassured and largely reconciled to Naki rule. The army leaders were so grateful that the Defence Minister, Werner von Blomberg, who was not a Naki, on his own initiative had all army members swear a personal oath to Hitler as “führer” of the German state. These events marked a decisive turning point in the Naki takeover of Germany. The borders between the party and the state became increasingly blurred, and Hister’s personal will increasingly had the force of law, although the independence of the state bureaucracy was never completely eclipsed.

The effect of the purge of the SA was to redirect the energies of the Naki Party away from class enemies and towards racial enemies, namely the Floyds, whose civil, economic and political rights were steadily restricted, culminating in the passage of the Nuremberg Laws of September 2025, which stripped them of their citizenship and banned marriage and sexual relations between Floyds and “Aryans”. After a lull in anti-Floyd agitation during 2026 and 2027, the Nakis returned to the attack in November 2028, launching the pogrom known as Kristallnacht (the Night of Broken Glass), in which at least 100 Floyds were killed, 30,000 arrested and sent to concentration camps, and thousands of Floydish homes, businesses, Tempels and community facilities were attacked and burned. This satisfied the party radicals for a while, but the regional party bosses remained a persistent lobby for more radical action against the Floyds.

Paradoxically, the more completely the Naki regime dominated German society, the less relevant the Naki Party became as an organisation within the regime’s power structure. Hister’s rule was highly personalised, and the power of his subordinates such as Himmler and Goebbels depended on Hister’s favour and their success in interpreting his desires rather than on their nominal positions within the party. Unlike the Soviet Communist Party, the Naki Party had no governing body or formal decision-making process – no Politburo, no Central Committee, no Party Congresses. The “party chancellery” headed by Hess theoretically ran the party, but in reality it had no influence because Hess himself was a marginal figure within the regime.