Zaïre

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Kingdom of Zaïre
Royaume de Zaïre
zaire.png coat_of_arms.png
Flag and coat of arms of Zaïre
Motto: Justice - Peace - Work
French: Justice - Paix - Travail
Anthem: La Zaïroise
DROC.png
Capital Kinshasa
4°24′ S 15°24′ E
Largest city Kinshasa
Major Languages French (official), Lingala (a lingua franca trade language), Kingwana (a dialect of Kiswahili), Kikongo, Tshiluba
Government
King
Prime Minister
Absolute monarchy
Léopold Honoré Mobutu
Victor Ngbanda
Independence
-Date
From Belgium
June 30, 1960
Area
 - Total
 - Water (%)

2,345,410 km² (12th)
3.3%
Population
 - 2006
 - Density

60,085,804 (23rd)
24/km² (182)
GDP (PPP)
  - Total
  - Per capita

$46.27 billion
$800
HDI 0.385 (167th) - low
Currency
 - Exchange rate
Zaïre
$1 (USD) = 437.86 Zaïres
National animal Leopard
Time zone
 - Summer (DST)

CET, EET (UTC +1 to +2)
not observed (UTC +1 to +2)
Internet TLD .zr
Calling code +243

The Kingdom of Zaïre (French: Royaume de Zaïre) is a Central African nation bordered by Central African Republic and Sudan on the north; Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania on the east; Zambia and Angola on the south; and Republic of the Congo/Congo-Brazzaville on the west. Zaïre, the third largest nation in Africa, is blessed with vast reserves of minerals and other natural resources, making it one of the most geologically wealthy nations in the world and a potential economic powerhouse; however, since its chaotic debut as an independent nation on June 30, 1960, it has suffered considerably, from one catastrophe to another, including, but not limited to, the Congo Crisis, severe repression, corruption, and economic crisis, and later, two devastating civil wars, the First Congo War and the Second Congo War; the latter went on to become the most deadly conflict since World War II, earning it the nickname Africa's World War.

History

Note: This deals exclusively with Zaïre (or rather, the NS Zaïre) of March 5, 2006-present; for previous history, click here.

A "coup of conscience?"

As of early 2006, the civil war was still ongoing, with the peace process progressing sluggishly (if at all), the economy in free-fall, starvation and disease rampant, and sporadic skirmishes and pervasive lawlessness in the southeastern portions of the country. Waiting in the wings was a mysterious lieutenant general, Léopold Honoré Mobutu, who grew disgusted and frustrated with the dire straits his country was in and the inept, hopelessly corrupt politicians, staged a "coup of conscience" in order to save the country "from anarchy, corruption, and violence." He immediately declared himself President and renamed the country Zaïre, in "honor" of Mobutu Sese Seko (no relation), whom he professed to admire deeply. Citing the peace, political stability, patriotism, and prosperity characterized by Mobutu's early years, he pledged to "revive the great legacy of a once great man, and bring greatness to this nation." However, first he began a "house cleaning" operation that saw hundreds of politicians, black marketeers, fraudsters, and others accused of corruption, heinously executed before huge audiences, after being hastily tried and found guilty by kangaroo courts. As the new Mobutu was himself quite corrupt, many wondered if those individuals were really executed for corruption, or because they were potential threats; of course, they wondered quietly, as the new Mobutu also was quick to revive the old intelligence services, secret police, etc. of the "old Mobutu" era. As Mobutu endlessly praised the "old Mobutu" and his "legacy of the early days," Zaïreans were quick to notice that the unsavory aspects of the old Mobutu regime- rampant corruption and severe repression- had returned as well, in full force. He had, for example, once again made the Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution the sole legal party, and had made membership compulsory for all citizens. They could only hope the original Mobutu's pitiful economic legacy (post-1974, that is) would not be brought back, as well, as Zaïre's economy was in shambles as it was.

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A triumphant Mobutu stages a victory parade to celebrate his successful coup
</div>

"Radicalization of the revolution"

It was not long before he declared a "radicalization of the revolution," as "the old Mobutu" had done in the mid-70s. This entailed several extremely radical, drastic, sweeping changes.

Zaïrianization

One of these major changes was called Zaïrianization. Like the original program of that name, this one was short-sighted, far-fetched, ill-planned, hampered by corruption, and doomed to failure. All foreign-owned estates, banks, stores, businesses, plantations, and other properties were seized without compensation (although the President falsely promised that full compensation would be provided) and given "to sons of the country" (in reality, to political allies, party stalwarts, family members, and friends, as well as enemies whose loyalty he wanted to buy).

International reaction

This caused an international uproar, especially in Disraeliland. In addition to the deleterious effect it would have on the Zaïrean economy and on the Zaïrean people, the Disraeliland government denounced the move as tyrannical, immoral, and a blatant violation of property rights. Disraeliland subsequently seized Zaïrean properties in their country, threatened to take the matter to court, and threatened to recall their ambassador, Emily Chan. A heated argument ensued between the governments of the two countries, and, with neither of them able to see eye to eye, they both recalled their ambassadors.

Results of Zaïrianization

Economically, Zaïrianization was a total disaster. Inflation climbed to almost 5,000%, unemployment reached a level of 72%, virtually all nationalized industries quickly became bankrupt, most basic necessities (including food and petrol) became extremely rare, and street crime soared. Moreover, most of the nationalized property was handed to party stalwarts, blood relatives, old friends, or enemies whose loyalty Mobutu wanted to buy. Corruption, already a serious problem, soared to an all-pervasive level, permeating every area of society. Bribery, black marketeering, and fraud were rife.

Authenticité

Authenticité, too, was a revival of one of the "old Mobutu's" programs of the same name. The chief purpose of authenticité was to revive traditional African culture, promote strong African values, instill in the people national pride, and foster national unity that would transcend tribalism. Examples of authenticité included the outlawing of Western attire, to be replaced with the abacost (à bas le costume, French for "down with the suit") for men, and pagnes for women. All Zaïreans were ordered by presidential decree to replace their Christian names with African ones (although very few members of the elite did so). The terms monsieur and madame, were replaced with citoyen and citoyenne, just as they were in France during the French Revolution.

Consolidation of power

Mobutu also made great efforts to centralize, consolidate, and expand governmental power to the fullest extent possible. The authority of local and regional governments was reduced to the absolute minimum, making them, in effect, little more than figureheads. All unions were consolidated into a single government-controlled one, Union Nationale des Travailleurs Zaïrois (UNTZA), which all workers, in both public and private sectors, were required to join. Membership in the youth wing of the ruling party, Union Nationale des Travailleurs Zaïrois (JMPR), became compulsory for all children aged 6-16, so they could undergo military training and be indoctrinated in government dogmas. All high school and college students were required to join a government-controlled union called Union Générale des Étudiants Congolais (UGEC), as teenagers/young adults tend to be rebellious, and the government wanted to keep an eye on them to ensure that they did not dissent in any way. All Zaïreans, regardless of age, automatically became compulsory, life-long members of Corps des Volontaires de la République, a pro-government paramilitary militia, although few attended training sessions, and even fewer actively participated in it.

Cult of personality

Finally, the last agenda of the radicalization of the revolution was the establishment of a massive personality cult surrounding the President. He assumed grand titles such as Founder of the Nation, the Guide, Father of the Revolution, Savior of the World, Mulopwe (god, or emperor), and even the Messiah. All local, regional, and national government officials, all civil servants, and all members of the armed forces, were required to wear lapel badges with his miniature portrait. His portrait appeared on every banknote, coin, and stamp. The evening news was proceeded by an image of him descending from heaven through the clouds, as ecstatic dancers and an awestruck choir greeted his arrival with extreme joy. Every adult citizen was required by law to own at least one portrait of the President. T-shirts and apparel, washcloths, towels, and even bedsheets, bearing his image were widely available. Tall golden statues of the President were erected in public squares, former residences and other significant places of his life became national pilgrimage points, and billboards of him were everywhere. All schools were secularized, with all religious symbols being replaced by portraits of the President. The President himself surrounded himself with sycophants who endlessly lavished praise unto him, singing, dancing, and animating in order to earn his favor.

Restructuring of the revolution

Bowing to international pressure, and desperate to prevent further economic decline, President Mobutu reluctantly announced that the government would begin gradually introducing free-market policies. Mobutu also scapegoated thirty businessmen, all personal enemies of his, and blamed them for the economic havoc. In hastily arranged, flagrantly rigged trials, they were found guilty by a military tribunal, sentenced to death, and publicly dismembered, with their remains fed to crocodiles. With the "culprits" punished, Mobutu thus announced the following reforms:

  • The repeal of most wage and price controls
  • The return of all formerly foreign-owned businesses to their owners, with full compensation
  • The reduction of tariff levels to 5-10% or lower
  • The privatization and de-regulation of 85% of government-owned businesses
  • The gradual privatization of all government social welfare, education, health, etc. programs
  • The end of all business subsidies, except those to Gécamines, Miba, Celza, and Sozacom
  • Turning over control of the major state corporations, such as Gécamines, Miba, Celza, and Sozacom, to private ownership: they would remain state-owned, but for the first time, they would be privately managed

He explained the reforms as follows: "We must not let our emphasis on ideology take priority over the development of our nation any longer."

In addition to reversing the economy's downward trend and fostering healthy, relatively steady growth, the reforms were received warmly by the international community and led to improved relationships abroad, most notably with Disraeliland. The two countries shortly afterwards resumed full diplomatic relations.

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Mobutu visits his troops on the battlefield near Kolwezi
</div>

A battle lost, a war won

The country faced one its biggest crises when, in late March, the FLNC, a rabidly anti-Mobutu communist rebel group, invaded Zaïre via Shaba. The FAZ, woefully unprepared, poorly trained, low on ammunition, and lower on morale, were no match for the rebel onslaught. At breakneck speed, the rebels advanced through Shaba, managing to capture almost the entire region, all the while leaving death and destruction in their wake. Mobutu declared a State of Emergency and begged the international community to intervene. Just when it seemed Zaïre was on the verge of defeat, The Syndicate and Kahta deployed hundreds of forces to aid their beleaguered ally. The newcomers, better-trained, better-armed, and greater in number, quickly wiped out the rebellion, killing every last FLNC guerrilla and restoring order to the country, much to Mobutu's delight.

Colonization

In spite of Mobutu's purported anti-imperialism, he harbored strong desires to annex neighboring states and consolidate them into a unified francophone empire, with himself at the helm. Accordingly, he staged invasions of Rwanda, Burundi, Congo (Brazzaville), Central African Republic, Gabon, and Chad. Most of the invasions were resounding successes, with minimal losses, the invasion of Chad was a fiasco. Libya and Disraeliland both threatened to intervene on behalf of Chad, and Kahta, probably Zaïre's closest ally, suggested a ceasefire. Mobutu dutifully complied, and a negotiated settlement was soon reached. Chad retained its independence, and loss of life on both sides was very minimal.

Zaïre also struck a deal with Greece, which netted the former control of the Angolan exclave of Cabinda. Due to its vast reserves of oil (most of Angola's oil lies in Cabinda), the economic prospects for Zaïre after annexing it brightened considerably.

From Republic to Empire

On April 10 2006, Mobutu fulfilled his lifelong dream when his country became a monarchy, with himself as king. The country's name changed from République du Zaïre to Royaume de Zaïre. A lavish coronation, costing millions of dollars, was held at Mobutu's palace, and thousands of guests attended.

Politics

Zaïre is a one-party state. There is only one legal political party, the MPR (Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution), to which all citizens belong (membership is compulsory, and all newborn children automatically become members). The party is presided over by King Mobutu. While the government was originally avowedly anti-capitalist, it was even more anti-communist, denouncing and opposing communism more strongly than almost any other nation in the world. Whereas members of most opposition parties (all of which are illegal and underground) are imprisoned for a period of five years, members of the outlawed Parti Communiste Zaïrois (Zaïrian Communist Party). are publicly executed. For the most part, the government has no official policy, describing itself as "neither left, nor right, nor even center," and emphasizing instead complete devotion to Le Guide (as Mobutu is known).

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King Mobutu
</div>

Executive

All executive powers are vested in Mobutu's hands, and he wields absolute authority and has total control over all branches of the government, whether it's the national government, or a local or regional one. A hand-picked prime minister serves as the de jure head of government, although King Mobutu is the de facto head of state as well as head of government. The prime minister, a mere figurehead, is given next to nothing to do, except rubber-stamp Mobutu's policies and implement his decisions. The King has a 22 member cabinet, whose members advise him on matters such as national security, the economy, or foreign affairs. The cabinet members are as follows:

  • Foreign Minister: Moise Karl-i-Bond
  • Minister of Defense: Félix Mobutu
  • Minister of Economics: Pierre Nguz Kimba
  • Minister of the Central Bank: Eugène Mobutu
  • Minister of Commerce and Trade: Antoine Wa Dondo
  • Minister of Treasury and Finance: Jean Emery Kasenda
  • Minister of Parastatals: Milton Kasavubu
  • Minister of Propaganda: Jacques Mobutu
  • Minister of Culture and Heritage: Patrice Mulele
  • Minister of Press and Information: Adolphe Mobutu
  • Head of Agence Nationale de Documentation (AND): Nzimbi Mobutu
  • Head of Service National d'Intelligence et de Protection (SNIP): Dominique Gbemani
  • Head of Service d'Action et de Renseignements Militaire (SARM): Ernest Kabila
  • Minister of Justice and Law and Order: François Mobutu
  • Minister of Paramilitaries: Mathieu Mulamba
  • Minister of Health and Social Welfare: Laurent Mobutu
  • Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development: Paul Ndombasi
  • Minister of Education: Bernadette Mobutu
  • Minister of Labor and Social Security: Mpinga Adoula
  • Minister of Public Works and Infrastructure: Etienne Tshombe
  • Minister of Civil Service: Henry Masangu
  • Minister of the Environment and Natural Resources: Elysse Manoka
  • Minister of Tourism: Mukenda Tshipasa

Legislative

Zaïre's legislative branch consists of a unicameral legislature called the Conseil National Législatif (National Legislative Council, or CNL), with 310 members, elected to five-year terms by popular vote. Only government-approved candidates are eligible for office, however, and the CNL has very limited legislative powers. Real legislative power is delegated to the Central Committee of the MPR, with the CNL relegated to a meager role of doing little more than approving party initiatives.

Judicial

The judicial branch is structured hierarchically, with most powers vested in the Supreme Court. The judicial system is based on a mixture of Western law and African traditional law, although, since the launching of Mobutu's authenticité program, the latter has had a greater influence. Most local disputes and legal matters are settled by tribal elders, rather than by judges. Each of the country's 10 regions has a tribunal, comprised of several subregional rural and city tribunals (although the rural and city tribunals do very little, because, again, disputes on that level are mainly relegated to tribal authorities). There are three courts of appeal, located in Kinshasa, Lubumbashi, and Kisangani, although they wield little real power. Like the legislative branch, the judicial branch is subject to the total control of the King.

Opposition parties

While opposition parties are illegal, and their members are subject to arrest, torture, and even death, nevertheless, dozens of opposition parties operate underground, led by courageous men and women undeterred by threats to their safety, willing to risk their lives to bring about democratic governance in Zaïre. These parties include, but are not limited to, Front Zaïrois pour la Restauration de la Démocratie (Zaïrian Front for the Restoration of Democracy), Fédération Nationale des Démocrates Convaincus (National Federation of Conservative Democrats), Mouvement National Zaïrois (National Zaïrian Movement), Parti National du Progrés (National Progressive Party), Parti des Républicans Indépendants (Party of Independent Republicans), Parti Révolutionnaire du Peuple (Revolutionary People's Party), Parti Solidaire Africain (African Solidarity Party), Parti Socialiste Zaïrois (Zaïrian Socialist Party), Unior pour la Démocratie et le Progrés Social (Union for Democracy and Social Progress), Union des Fédéralistes Républicains Indépendants (Party of Independent Republican Federalists), and Parti Communiste Zaïrois (Zaïrian Communist Party).

Regions

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Zaïre is divided into 10 regions (provinces) and 1 independent city
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The country is divided into 10 regions and 1 indepdendent city (Kinshasa). As Zaïre has a unitary system, the regions wield very little power, and the country is highly centralized, with nearly all power concentrated in the presidency. The following are the 10 regions and the independent city, numbered according to map location:

  • 1. Bandundu
  • 2. Bas-Zaïre
  • 3. Equateur
  • 4. Kasai-Occidental
  • 5. Kasai-Oriental
  • 6. Shaba
  • 7. Kinshasa
  • 8. Maniema
  • 9. Nord-Kivu
  • 10. Haut-Zaïre
  • 11. Sud-Kivu

Important national holidays

  • January 1 = New Year's Day
  • February 24 = The Syndicate Day (in commemoration of The Syndicate's founding)
  • March 5 = Liberation Day (the day Léopold Honoré Mobutu came to power)
  • March 8 = International Women's Day
  • March 29 = National Victory Day (the date the FLNC was defeated)
  • April 10 = Coronation Day (the day Mobutu crowned himself King)
  • April 17 = MPR Day (the date the Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution was founded)
  • April 26 = King Sam MacDonald of Kahta's Birthday
  • May 1 = Labor Day
  • June 1 = Children's Day
  • June 30 = Independence Day
  • September 7 = Mobutu Sese Seko Remembrance Day
  • October 14 = Mobutu Sese Seko's Birthday
  • October 27 = Zaïre Day (the date, in 1971, when Mobutu Sese Seko named the country Zaïre)
  • November 24 = Léopold Honoré Mobutu's Birthday
  • December 31 = New Year's Eve


Foreign Relations

Zaïre officially pursues a non-aligned, neutral foreign policy. It has several embassies abroad and maintains warm relations with several countries. The following countries have embassies in Zaïre:

  • British Republics
  • Callisdrun
  • Daspraaetn Sozalstaat
  • Disraeliland
  • Greece
  • Iberia
  • Israel
  • New Zealand
  • Parthia
  • South East Asia
  • United Communist Khanates
  • United Eastern Republic
  • Warsaw

While Zaïre maintains that its foreign policy is non-interventionist, the facts suggest otherwise. It secretly harbors, trains, arms, and finances terrorism around the globe, a fact safely hidden from the international community. Zaïre has very warm (albeit secret) relations with the Laurasian terrorist faction called The Syndicate, and provides arms, cash, and bases for the group. Zaïre also plays a major role in the international drug trade, both smuggling illicit drugs into other countries and growing several of these drugs itself. For reasons unknown, Zaïre provides substantial- though never open- support for many insurgencies and rebel factions around the world.

Most nations of the world, regardless of whether or not they have an embassy in the country, have neutral relations with Zaïre. However, Zaïre does have a few allies (green) and a few enemies (red):

  • Kahta
  • Greece
  • Parthia
  • The Syndicate
  • Gashgalgabrad (considered hostile)
  • NSSR (considered very hostile)

Zaïre is a member of the following international organizations: Anti-Marx Association, United Nations, and the African Union.

Economy

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Copper mining provides the bulk of Zaïre's revenues
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Officially, Zaïre has neither a capitalist, socialist, or communist economic policy. The state plays an extensive role in the economy, though the extent of its role depends on a variety of factors, such as to whom a certain business belongs, whether a corporation is state-run or privately owned, etc. Zaïre briefly took a radical turn to the left during Zaïrianization, but has since begun slowly implementing neoliberal austerity measures to accelerate sluggish growth, modernize the country, and create prosperity. Interestingly, businesses owned by those suspected of disloyalty are heavily taxed and hampered by a myriad of ridiculously restrictive, overly bureaucratic, stringent laws regulating even the most miniscule of that business's activities. Businesses owned by family, friends, and allies are exempt from taxation, given free rein to do virtually anything they want, and heavily subsidized. The major industries, especially copper and diamond mining, are handled by state-owned industries (by Gécamines and MIBA, respectively) run by government bureacrats thoroughly loyal to the King. All plantations not owned by foreigners are also state-run, having been nationalized and merged into a conglomerate called Celza. Almost all industries, public and private, but especially the parastatals, are frequently looted by the King and his associates and relatives. As such, bribery and corruption are rife. The national bank, called the Banque du Kinshasa, is treated like the King's personal account, as he spends as much of its money as he wants, whenever he wants, and on whatever he wants.

Zaïre is one of the poorest countries in the world. Years of over-bureaucratization, endemic corruption, and mismanagement have almost irreparably crippled the economy. The overwhelmingly vast majority of the populace lives in absolute poverty, and starvation afflicts a large percentage of the population. Civil servants and soldiers often go months without being paid (the sole exception to the latter being the Division Spéciale Impériale, the elite unit tasked with defending the King), and their salaries are almost comically low. Beggars and prostitution abound, street crime is a serious problem, and police and soldiers often set up road-blocks so they can extort money from terrified and helpless civilians.

GDP composition by sector is as follows: agriculture 55%; industry 11%; and services 34%.

The following statistics are truly disheartening. The unemployment rate is around 85%; the country is $10.56 billion in debt; 70% of the population is below the poverty line; industry operates at only 25% of capacity; and there is a tax base of less than one million people, or 1/60 of the total population.

One of the most tragic things about it is that Zaïre is potentially one of the wealthiest nations in the world, blessed with huge reserves of minerals. It holds 70-80% of the world's cobalt; 15% of the world's copper; and 1/3 of the world's diamonds. In addition, it has substantial reserves of niobium, tantalum, petroleum, gold, silver, zinc, manganese, tin, uranium, coal, hydropower, and timber. Geologically speaking, it is one of the richest nations on the planet. Economically speaking, it is an impoverished nation reduced to begging the international community for hand-outs.

Transportation

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Logo of Air Zaïre, the national airline
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Zaïre's transportation system, like almost everything else in the country, is a shambles. The problems it faces are manifold: severe foreign exchange shortages, an anemic budget, equipment shortages, and a near absence of qualified staff. Roads maintenance and construction, river systems and ports, and railways are all managed by overly bureaucratic state-owned companies notorious for their corruption and inefficiency. The companies responsible for these are Office des Routes (Bureau of Roads), Office National des Transports (National Transport Office, usually known simply as ONATRA), and Société Nationale des Chemins de Fer du Zaïre (Zaïrian National Railway Company). Voie Nationale (the road, rail, and waterway complex linking Shaba province to the port of Matadi), is significant route for Zaïrian minerals, but transportation can take up to two months, due to a myriad of problems. One observer wryly remarked, "Our transport system is like our military- bloated, overstaffed, full of incompetents, and incapable of accomplishing a damned thing."

Roads

Office des Routes (Bureau of Roads) has only been able to maintain a mere 25% of the estimated 145,000-kilometer road network. Some observers estimate that as few as 12,000 kilometers of usable roads remain. Roads are shoddy, bumpy, full of potholes, and in such abominable condition that they are extremely dangerous. Moreover, travel by road is an arduous, time-consuming process that tests one's patience to the breaking point. Traveling from the capital, Kinshasa, to Lubumbashi (capital of Shaba), 454-kilometer journey, can take up to two weeks in a four-wheel drive vehicle. As there is no reliable road system between Kinshasa and eastern Zaïre (Nord-Kivu and Sud-Kivu, known for their agricultural production), so the only way foodstuffs from the region can be brought to Kinshasa is by air. However, most subsistence farmers are isolated from local markets, due to a combination of two factors: the poor transport network, and widespread fuel shortages. As such, the consumers suffer as well, due to ever-increasing prices.

Air

Air Zaïre is the national airline, and like the other transport companies, it is government-owned, highly unreliable, and hampered by inefficiency and corruption. Air Zaïre is so unreliable, in fact, that local Zaïrians derisively call it "Air Peut-être" (Air Maybe). It is not uncommon for flights to be cancelled at the very last minute because the president needed one of the planes (the airline has very few of them) for a trip abroad.

Communications and Media

Communications

Telephones

Telephone service is generally very poor. The wire and microwave radio relay service in and between urban areas is barely adequate. Telephone service is so unreliable, most people find that it is easier to simply meet in person to talk, rather than do it over the phone. There are about 10,000 main telephone lines in use and about 1,000,000 mobile cellular phones. The country's calling code is 243. The satellite earth station is 1 Intelsat (Atlantic Ocean).

Internet

Internet access is limited. Of a population of over 60,000,000 a mere 50,000 have internet access. Internet cafés are uncommon, and it is extremely rare to find a Zaïrian who owns a computer of his own. Internet connections are notoriously slow, among the most sluggish in the world. Their reliability in general is poor. The country has slightly over 150 internet hosts.

Media

Newspapers

There are currently three main daily newspapers available in Kinshasa: Salongo, L'analyste, and Elima. Lubumbashi and Kisangani's daily newspapers are now weeklies, due to severe financial difficulties. Several smaller dailies and weeklies are available, but are closely watched under the scrutinizing eyes of the police, secret police, and military. (See also Human rights in Zaïre) While Salongo maintains a staunchly pro-government stance (indeed, it often serves more propaganda than news), other newspapers have made attempts to adopt independent stances, a move they quickly realized was unwise. Just weeks after Léopold Honoré Mobutu seized power, a prominent journalist was publicly tortured and executed for writing a scathing article denouncing the regime. His eyeballs were gouged out, his genitals were torn off, and his limbs were sawed off one at a time, and what remained of his body was fed to crocodiles in the Zaïre River. Since then, journalists have pretty much been reporting what the government wants them to report- or at least, what they can report without the risk of earning the ire of the regime. Agence Zaïre-Presse (AZAP), which is government-controlled, is the only domestic news agency in the country. A few foreign newspapers and magazines are available, although few Zaïrians read them. For one, few Zaïrians speak a European language (besides French); and two, the prices tend to be too steep for an ordinary Zaïrian to afford. Even so, the regime rigorously enforces censorship of these newspapers and magazines, or in some cases, even bans them altogether, if they are deemed too "subversive" or "detrimental to the moral health of the nation."

Radio

The government-owned radio station, La Voix du Zaïre (the Voice of Zaïre), can be heard by many Zaïrians. It, as well as regional stations, can be received on approximately 3.7 million radio receivers. Just like North Korea does with its own citizens, the government of Zaïre uses its government-controlled station to constantly bombard its citizens with propaganda, to indoctrinate them in such causes as African pride, cultural values, nationalism, anticommunism, anti-colonialism, and authenticité. There are 16 radio stations: 3 AM, 11 FM, and 2 shortwave.

Television

The government-operated commercial station Zaïre Télévision, broadcast from Kinshasa, is relayed by satellite to cities in the interior. Any and all news pertaining to King Mobutu, regardless of how routine or mundane, is always broadcast first, without exception, no matter how significant or urgent any other news stories may be. Television news on the government generally follows the official order of protocol. That is, news on the King always comes first, followed by the prime minister, and then other cabinet ministers, and so forth. Like other media outlets, Zaïrian television content is tightly controlled. Moreover, it dishes out propaganda even more frequently and flagrantly than do radios, newspaper, or magazines. Prior to the evening news, a "public servicement announcement" always comes first. The "public service announcement" in question is an image of the King, descending godlike from the heavens, as onlookers serenade him with songs and dances. Television's value as a tool to foster the personality cult is certainly inestimable.

Demographics

Age distribution

  • 0-14 years: 48.1% (male 14,513,779/female 14,396,952)
  • 15-64 years: 49.4% (male 14,579,101/female 15,121,297)
  • 65 years and over: 2.5%

Median age

  • Total: 15.8 years
  • Male: 15.4 years
  • Female: 16.2 years

Population growth rate

2.98%

Birth rate

44.38 births/1,000 population

Death rate

14.43 deaths/1,000 population

Net migration rate

-0.17 migrant(s)/1,000 population

Note: fighting between the Zaïrian government and rebel groups operating in Uganda and Rwanda sparked a regional war that has left millions dead and nearly 2 million displaced. Over 300,000 Zaïrians have fled to neighboring countries, and, although the war is over for the most part, sporadic guerrilla skirmishes in the eastern and southeastern regions prevents them from returning in the foreseeable future

Sex ratio

  • At birth: 1.01 male(s)/female
  • Under 15 years: 1.01 male(s)/female
  • 15-64 years: 0.96 male(s)/female
  • 65 years and over: 0.68 male(s)/female
  • Total population: 0.98 male(s)/female

Infant mortality rate

  • Total: 92.87 deaths/1,000 live births
  • Male: 101.25 deaths/1,000 live births
  • Female: 84.23 deaths/1,000 live births

Life expectancy at birth

  • Total population: 49.35 years
  • Male: 47.29 years
  • Female: 51.47 years

Total fertility rate

6.54 children born/woman

HIV/AIDS

Adult prevalence rate: 4.2%

Major infectious diseases

  • Degree of risk: very high
  • Food or waterborne diseases: bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A, and typhoid fever
  • Vectorborne diseases: malaria, plague, and African trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness) are high risks in some locations
  • Water contact disease: schistosomiasis

Nationality

  • Noun: Zaïrian (singular), Zaïrians (plural)
  • Adjective: Zaïrian

Ethnic groups

Over 200 African ethnic groups of which the majority are Bantu; the four largest tribes - Mongo, Luba, Kongo (all Bantu), and the Mangbetu-Azande (Hamitic) make up about 45% of the population

Religions

  • Roman Catholic 50%
  • Protestant 20%
  • Kimbanguist 10%
  • Muslim 10%
  • other syncretic sects and indigenous beliefs 10%

Literacy

  • Definition: age 15 and over can read and write French, Lingala, Kingwana, or Tshiluba
  • Total population: 65.5%
  • Male: 76.2%
  • Female: 55.1%


zaire.png Royaume de Zaïre zaire.png
Main article: Zaïre
Government: Léopold Honoré Mobutu, Victor Ngbanda, Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution
Military: Forces Armées Zaïrois
Corporations: Gécamines, MIBA, TriPetal (article by Laurasia)