Aleksei Ivanovich Zvyevonyev

Aleksei Zvyevonyev

Name of Office (1):	Premier of the Zedoljan Federal Soviet Tschazanovite Republic
Term of Office:	2044-
Predecessor:	Dmitri Khillianov
Successor:
Name of Office (2):	Chairman of the Greater Zedoljan Tschazanovite Soviet
Term of Office:	2047-
Predecessor:	N/A
Successor:
Name of Office (3):	President of the Union of Soviet Tschazanovite Republics
Term of Office:	2047-
Predecessor:	N/A
Successor:
Date of Birth:	July 12, 1993 (STS)
Place of Birth:	Pavelets, Toragrad, Toragradskaya Oblast, People's Republic of Zedoljev
Profession:	Politician
Political party:	People's Socialist Party of Zedoljev

Aleksei Ivanovich Zvyevonyev (Zlevic: Alĕksĕĩ Ivanoviĉ Zvĕvonĕv (pro: zvyev-anYEEV)) is the eighth Premier of Zedoljev since the Socialist Revolution, the first Chairman of the Greater Zedoljev Tschazanovite Soviet as well as the first President of the Union of Soviet Tschazanovite Republics.

Worker's Son

Zvyevonyev was born on July 12th 1993 (STS) in the Pavelets district of Toragrad. He was the third of five children for Ivan Pavelovich – a worker at ToraZav – and Radilu Dzhardovna, a nurse. Aleksei was arguably the most gifted of the five – three boys and two girls – performing well at school and being quick to learn, pickup and adapt to changing situations. He became quite fascinated with history and the idea of Zedoljev once being part of a huge empire the likes of which hadn’t been seen before or after. He excelled at History, and took it as a degree, which paved the way for his becoming a teacher – or so everyone thought. Aleksei had also taken an interest in politics, which coupled with history makes a very powerful combination.

His father was a senior technician by the time Aleksei was twelve years old, and on occasion he’d take his children along to the meetings with the Politruk, the long arm of the Government, and it was Aleksei’s first taste of Politics. It fascinated him, even though his parents were slow to realise.

Politician

He finally decided to fulfil his burning desire to enter politics by applying to join the Party in 2016 – having forgone Komsomol – and was accepted as a prospective representative for Pavelets in the 2023 Duma Elections. He befriended Vladimir Martinekovich Kunshin, a man only marginally older than Aleksei and who shared the same ideals and dreams that Aleksei had. Vladimir was already in Government, as an advisor, and he soon became Aleksei’s mentor as well as very close friend. Aleksei’s rise into the Duma was not without controversy however. It soon became apparent during the elections that he would have two major rivals. Aleksei was popular and well liked, but it seemed clear that third place was as good as he was going to get. However this all changed when one of his rivals, Shakhtarin, tried to gain the upper hand by kidnapping the other, Kovalyonok, and intimidating him into standing down. As it happened, Kovalyonok was released and told the whole story about his ordeal which led to the arrest of Shakhtarin. However, the ordeal had shaken Kovalyonok badly, and he did indeed stand down. This left Aleksei an unexpected, but popular winner all the same. The torrid events overshadowed his success however and took a while for him to shake it off.

Aleksei revelled in his time in the Duma, being considered among the finest representatives in the entire Duma. He was elected easily to the Politburo in 2034, and by 2036 was Chief Minister of Welfare, where he positively shone. He made some powerful friends in the Politburo, including Yuri Alekhsandrovich Trilyat, who was the long-serving Minister of Internal Affairs and a Zedoljan hero – Trilyat was a very powerful ally to have. Unfortunately Aleksei’s time in as Chief Minister was not always happy. His childhood had been fairly lonely in respects. He and his two older brothers and his older sister did not always get on very well, and his younger brother, Adan, born a year after he was died at the age of three. However, Aleksei’s younger sister, Alina, who was born after Adan had died, was a different story. Aleksei adored his little sister and even into their adolescence, Aleksei and Alina went everywhere together. Even when he was in the Politburo they remained in close contact. Then news came in 2038 that Alina had been killed in a car crash – a drunk driver had rammed her off the road – and Aleksei was utterly devastated. His mother died about 6 months later, and the year after that, his old mentor and friend Vladimir Kunshin died in a tragic house fire.

Aleksei struggled through, remained committed to his work, but married his secretary Anna, a woman almost young enough to be his daughter, and found some happiness again. The couple had two children – both however were boys while it was obvious that Aleksei wanted a daughter, presumably to call her Alina. But he cherished his sons and was a good father.

His career took a massive turn in the wake of the Lyenkastrya disaster. Alina’s widower, Alek Dmitriovich Bukhin, had been killed on board one of the transports that many hundreds of Zedoljan servicemen and women were unloaded onto after the NSF Lyenkastrya was crippled only to be then sunk by Neo-Urallian raider planes. Aleksei adopted Alina’s now orphaned daughter, Svetlanna, and his love for her was blatantly obvious in the fact that it almost eclipsed his own family. The most significant outcome however was that the current Deputy Premier, Gragonev, retired – he too had lost family on the Lyekanstrya – and Trilyat encouraged Aleksei to stand for Deputy Premier. Remarkably, he won.

During his time as Deputy Premier he personally presided over several important events while Premier Khillianov was otherwise indisposed – usually through illness. This included the fall of Wells-Ville, Zedoljev’s only true neighbour. It was Zvyevonyev who took control of the situation, moving the troops into the country in conjunction with the New Cyberian army. It was done without Khillianov even being woken. It demonstrated some sound leadership skills of Aleksei, but served to increase the gap between himself and the Premier. It is pointless trying to hide the fact that Aleksei and Khillianov did not see eye to eye. Whether this was specifically because Khillianov didn’t trust him, or just that Aleksei was a different person to Gragonev, may sadly never be know. In 2044, Nixorbania called for a MuDeAl summit to discuss the state of the region. All the MuDeAl leaders attended, and Aleksei went alongside Khillianov. However, tragedy struck as the meeting was struck by an ICBM apparently launched by Rura Penthe and most if not all the leaders were killed – including Khillianov. Zvyevonyev miraculously was outside the island the summit was being held on, touring around the Nixorbanian countryside.

Premier

This made him Premier-elect of Zedoljev, and he led the country through the war with Rura Penthe that followed. His position was soon ratified by Popular Vote, and a new Deputy Premier was elected – Damek Ferdovich Mironov – and to everyone’s relief, the current relationship between Premier and Deputy is fairly good.

Zedoljev has changed since then. San Fredlando claimed a colony in the Gnome Islands, and when that was attacked from within, Zedoljev was drawn in to back their “Blood Brothers” up. The conflict also drew in Nurdbotia, and, it was hoped, the rest of MuDeAl. Instead the MuDeAl did nothing, except waiting till the war was finished, only after hundreds of thousands had died, San Fredlando had had a nuclear detonation inside the city, Zedoljan submarines had destroyed a Sargussian city in retaliation for Sargus sneak attacks on COMECON troops – only then did MuDeAl do anything – by accusing Zedoljev and Nurdbotia of braking MuDeAl laws. These accusations were “championed” by the replacement President of New Cyberia – Jonathan Baruk – and it was the start of what would become a very public and bitter relationship between the two leaders. It did however show off more of Aleksei’s character. He began to show anger and rashness like he had never been known to have. He’d often fly off the handle; respond to Baruk like they were in a schoolyard slagging match. While it is arguable that Premier Khillianov – had he lived – would have probably walked all the way to Reeding and physically put Baruk in his place – Aleksei’s anger did cause some to lose confidence, and ever since, the Premiership has been an edgy affair, unlike the times of Khillianov where he was beloved by all the people in the country.

Gragonev had returned to the Politburo, unable to keep his political personality down, and had become Foreign Minster again. After the debacle in the MuDeAl, it was Gragonev who suggested that Zedoljev should leave the MuDeAl and COMECON and become isolationist – hopefully to cool the region down. Aleksei saw his reasoning and agreed – though perhaps to spite Baruk as well. During this time, the Union of Soviet Tschazanovite Republics was born – again, the brainchild of Gragonev. It effectively bound together Zedoljev and its closest allies. It also reorganised the make up of Zedoljev itself. Zedoljev became the term for the entire territory controlled by Zendivostok in the Morbo Bridge, while in truth the country was split into four separate republics dictated by the countries they used to belong to. Villiya and Vellsandia were formed out of the lands that were formally Wells-Ville, and Mayatia was basically the lands that used to belong to Mayatland. To avoid confusion, the original part of Zedoljev became officially known as Federal Zedoljev, from the full title “The Zedoljan Federal Soviet Tschazanovite Republic” - but more commonly known as the Heartland, or Motherland – the Rodina. Aleksei was happy enough to see these changes, and the resurrection of Gragonev’s standing in the Politburo – unfortunately the relationship was not always placid – though both tried to shield it from the public – up till the point that Gragonev effectively walked out of the Politburo, privately saying he was “disgusted” with the direction the Soviet Union was heading and felt he was not even allowed to do anything about it.

Zvyevonyev showed more of his aggressive side during the Dominion Wars, which he allowed Zedoljev to be dragged into almost quite happily. Zedoljan forces saw direct action in both mainland and colonial Yugopatomia and claimed decisive victories against Dominion forces in the area. Zvyevonyev also extended out Soviet arms contracts to various Coalition allies, for instance Uudestaan and Pastocia. However, perhaps most controversially, the Obsidian Order claimed that a flight of long range bombers were shot down over neutral territory, a fair distance from the northern border of the Soviet colony of Kh’yorvard. They claimed to have significant proof that this was done by Zedoljan units, unofficially, unprovoked, without a declaration of hostile intent. Zvyevonyev refused to even comment, but clearly displayed that he cared extremely little about any grievances the Cardassians had with him. Coupled with various other bad incidents Zedoljev has been involved in recently, the worst of all happening very recently in Teral, to which Zvyevonyev again reacted extremely aggressively, and some do begin to fear where this attitude will lead the Soviet Union.